DES MOINES-Iowa Firearms Coalition President Barry Snell shared their mission of protecting Second Amendment Rights for Iowans at the Bull Moose Club luncheon in Des Moines on Tuesday.  He explained how the IFC was formed and gave an update on their legislative achievements since their formation in 2010. “IFC got […]

  OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR Governor Kim Reynolds « Lt. Governor Adam Gregg FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: Wednesday, June 21, 2017 CONTACT: Brenna Smith, (515) 281-5211 Gov. Reynolds sets Iowa House District 82 special election for August 8 (DES MOINES) – Gov. Kim Reynolds signed a proclamation Wednesday setting the date […]

Christi Gibson June 23, 2017 CEDAR RAPIDS- On Wednesday, June 21, 2017, President Donald J Trump visited Kirkwood Community College in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, to address his efforts to foster agriculture innovation. The audience consisted of over 200 dignitaries, farmers, and industrial businessmen within Iowa and other states. He spoke […]

Christi Gibson June 28, 2017 DES MOINES- With health insurance premiums on the rise and deductibles skyrocketing, not to mention the majority of insurance companies in Iowa abandoning the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), Iowans are growing increasingly concerned about healthcare for themselves and their family members. The impending vote on […]

Iowa Statesman, I was happy to hear the joint statement on tax reform from the US Congress, The White House and others in Washington. It’s about time. Our current tax code is severely dated, complex and debunked. Our tax code has not been updated since Reagan was in office and […]

We must rediscover the bonds of love and loyalty that brings us together as Americans. Racism is evil, and those who cause violence, in its name, are criminals and thugs, including the KKK, Neo-Nazis, White Supremacists, and any other hate groups that are repugnant to everything we hold dear as […]

After a court acquittal former Labor Secretary, Ray Donovan, was famously quoted as saying, “Which office do I go to to get my reputation back?” I’ve chosen pursuits that have put me under a microscope for public scrutiny. I was an Army Officer and after leaving the service I got […]

Although it hasn’t actually happened yet, the odds are strong that the Korean War may be finally coming to an end.  New information has come to light that North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has been meeting secretly with China’s President Xi Jinping shortly before the planned summit meetings with President […]

İngilizce'de kesme işareti en fazla hata yapılan noktalama işaretlerinden birisi. Bu yeni oyunda amacınız, size verilen ifadeleri, sürenz dolmadan kesme işaretini doğru şekilde kullanarak kısaltabilmek.

BBC, kurumsal değerlerinin temelini oluşturan yayın ilkelerini kamuoyuyla Türkçe olarak paylaşmak için 'BBC Yayın İlkeleri Kılavuzu – BBC'nin Değerleri ve Standartları' adıyla yayınladı.

Dünyanın dört bir yanında, habercilerin, muhabirlerin objektiflerine yansıyan görüntülerden derlediğimiz, haberi bir adım öteye götüren, fotoğraf albümlerini görmek için tıklayın.

BBC Türkçe Servisi tarafından hazırlanan özel haberleri, ayrıntılı değerlendirmeleri, farklı konularda uzman konuklarla yapılan özel röportajları internet üzerinden bir kez daha dinlemek için tıklayın.

Türkiye'yle ilgili yorum yazısına ''Atalarının Rüyaları'' başlığını atan Economist, eski Osmanlı topraklarında nüfuzunu artırmak isteyen bir Türkiye'ye mercek tutuyor.

Iraklı Kürtler, özerk Kürt bölgesine yeni bir başkan ve parlamento seçmek üzere yarın sandık başına gidiyor. Irak Cumhurbaşkanı Celal Talabani seçimlere ilişkin BBC'nin sorularını yanıtladı.

Avrupa Birliği, geçen hafta resmen tam üyelik başvurusunda bulunan İzlanda'nın birliğe katılımını onaylama sürecinde ilk adımını bugün attı.

Hindistan da nükleer denizaltısı olan ülkeler arasına katıldı. Hindistan böylece, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, Rusya, Fransa, İngiltere ve Çin'in ardından nükleer denizaltısı olan altıncı ülke oldu.

BBC Türkçe Servisi'nin radyo yayınları için hazırladığı dizileri ve bu programlar hakkında kısa bilgileri internet kullanıcılarımıza aktarmak amacıyla hazırladığımız sayfalara ulaşmak için tıklayın.

İnsanoğlunun Ay'a ayak basışının 40. yıl dönümü ABD'de bir dizi etkinlikle kutlanıyor. Ay'a ayak basan ilk insan olan Neil Armstrong, 'Bir insan için küçük, insanlık için dev bir adım' demişti.

BM'nin iklim değişikliğinden sorumlu başmüzakerecesi Yvo de Boer, zengin ülkelerin iklim değişikliğiyle mücadele için gelişmekte olan ülkelere en az 10 milyar dolar kaynak aktarmasını istedi.

İngiltere'de ekonominin yılın 2. çeyreğinde de binde 8 küçülmesi, resesyondan çabuk çıkılabileceğine yönelik umutları azalttı. Almanya'nın ise resesyondan çıkma yolunda olduğu belirtiliyor.

İngiliz petrol devi BP, yılın 2. çeyreğinde kârının, geçen yılın aynı dönemine kıyasla yüzde 53 azaldığını duyurdu. BP, bu duruma gerekçe olarak, petrol fiyatlarının düşük olmasını gösterdi.

Muhabirimiz Martin Buckley 1980'lerde adı Bombayken çalışıp yaşadığı Mumbai'ye uzun süre sonra bir kez daha gitti, kentin değişen ve değişmeyen yönlerini anlamaya çalıştı.

Atina'dan gazeteci Stelyo Berberakis, Yunan yetkililerin Türkiye'den gelen kaçak göçmenlerin sayısının artmasından ve Türkiye'nin 'yeterli önlem almamasından' şikâyetçi olduğunu söylüyor.

Kuzey Kore, nükleer programı ile ilgili gerginliğe yönelik olarak yeniden müzakere masasına oturmayı arzuladığını ancak yalnızca Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ile görüşmek istediğini duyurdu.

Yeni Zelanda'da bir yüzücü, oynadıkları oyuna devam etmek isteyen fazla dost canlısı bir yunusun kıyıya dönüşünü engellemesi nedeniyle sıkıntılı anlar yaşadı.

Lahey'deki Uluslararası Tahkim Mahkemesi, hem hükümetin hem de güneydeki özerk yönetimin hak iddia ettiği petrol zengini Abyei bölgesinin sınırlarının hükümet lehinde değişmesini kararlaştırdı.

Nijerya'da İslamcı militanlarla yaşanan ve en az 39 kişinin öldüğü dünkü çatışmaların ardından, ülkenin kuzeyindeki iki kentte daha şiddet olayları yaşandığı bildiriliyor.

ABD Savunma Bakanı Robert Gates, sürpriz Irak ziyareti sırasında ABD birliklerinin muharip görevi geçen ay Irak güçlerine bırakması sonrası ülkede güvenlik koşullarındaki düzelmeyi övdü.

İranlı yetkililer, muhalefetin devam eden yoğun çağrıları sonrası tartışmalı cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimlerinde gözaltına alınan 140 muhalefet taraftarını kefaletle serbest bıraktı.

Eski Amerikan Başkan Yardımcısı adayı Cumhuriyetçi Sarah Palin, Alaska Valiliği görevinden resmen istifa etti. Palin'in 2012 başkanlık yarışına hazırlanmak istediği yorumları yapılıyor.

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin Kuzey Carolina eyaletinde altısı ABD vatandaşı yedi kişiye aralarında İsrail ve Ürdün'ün de bulunduğu bazı ülkelerde terör saldırısı planlama suçlaması yöneltildi.

Yunanistan güvenlik güçlerinin, gözaltına aldıkları sığınmacıları Türkiye sınırına doğru sürdükleri ve Meriç nehrinden Türkiye'ye geçmeye zorladıkları iddia edildi.

İngiltere'de insan hakları eylemcileri, CIA'in 'olağanüstü nakil' olarak bilinen uygulamasında İngiliz hükümetinin oynadığı iddia edilen rolün açıklanması için mahkemeye gitti.

Guardian'dan Türkiye'de Kürt açılımı tartışmaları değerlendirmesi. Hindistan'ın yeni nükleer denizaltısının Çin'le gerilim yaratma riski. İngiltere domuz gribi önlemleri tartışması.

Sudan'ın başkenti Hartum'da bugün mahkeme önüne çıkacak olan bir kadın, "ahlak dışı kıyafet" -yani pantolon- giydiği için 40 kırbaç ve 100 dolar para cezasına çarptırılabileceğini söylüyor.

Japonya hükümeti, Uygurlu Türklerin sürgündeki lideri Rabiya Kadir'in Tokyo ziyaretine mesafeli yaklaştı. Çin, Kadir'e vize verilmesinden rahatsızlık duyduğunu ifade etmişti.

Venezuela lideri Hugo Chavez, sınır komşusu Kolombiya'daki büyükelçisini geri çekeceğini ve iki ülke arasındaki ilişkilerin dondurulacağını açıkladı. Kolombiya, Caracas'ı FARC'a silah temin etmekle suçlamıştı.

Guardian yazarı Simon Tisdall, Türkiye'deki Kürt açılımı tartışmalarını ele aldığı yazısında, Atatürk'ün mirasına Başbakan Erdoğan'ın en büyük darbeyi vurmak üzere olabileceğini öne sürüyor.

Dünya Gündemi'ni Çarşamba ve Cuma günleri 10:30'da, Cumartesi günleri 20:30'da NTV'de izleyebilirsiniz.

Orta Doğu'da barış sürecini canlandırmak için diplomasi atağı başlatan ABD son olarak da Başkan Barack Obama'nın ulusal güvenlik danışmanı James Jones'u bölgeye gönderdi.

Irak güvenlik güçleri, İranlı Halkın Mücahitleri Örgütü'nden muhaliflerin bulunduğu Eşref Kampı'nın kontrolünü ele geçirdi. 7 İranlının öldürüldüğü, 300 kadar kişinin de yaralandığı açıklandı.

Nijerya, ülkenin kuzeyinde hafta sonu başlayan ve 100 kişinin ölümüne neden olan isyan hareketini bastırmaya çalışıyor. Ordu, radikal İslamcıların üslendiği Maiduguri kentini topçu ateşine tuttu.

Norfolk, Virginia

Two tugs play around the USS Bataan, guiding her out of port, the beginning of her long journey to the Mediterranean off the coast of Libya. Sailors and Marines line her decks, standing to attention while relatives say their goodbyes from another ship on the quayside. One woman rubs her hands up and down the arms of her young son, comforting herself with the repetitive motion as much as him. Another waves as the ship departs, waves as it moves into the open waters, and is still waving as it shrinks into the distance. There are tears, as those who remain behind hug each other in support.

One woman tells me: "Every time they go it is like a little bit taken out of a puzzle. That puzzle is your life. And they never come back the same."

The pain of parting for probably around a year must be great. But this mission is not like Afghanistan, or in the past Iraq, where those leaving would definitely see action. Indeed, no-one seems certain what they are going to do.

Not, as is sometimes the case, because they are unwilling to discuss a military operation. They really don't know.

I ask a couple of Marines if they think they will be landing.

"Couldn't really tell you," says one.

Do they know what the mission is? They shake their heads.

Several tell me they are surprised. They were due to go out to the area soon anyway but the Libyan crisis has cut short their time at home.

"Yes, sir, honestly a little bit surprised, but you're ready for anything in the navy."

"We only got two weeks' notice, it's really sudden," said another.

"I am a little surprised, they're very surprised too, it's a Libyan civil war, I don't quite know what we're doing there," one mother, here to see off her son, tells me.

They are, at least, designed to be ready for anything.

The USS Bataan, along with the USS Mesa Verde and USS Whidbey Island make up an amphibious ready group. The Bataan, which looks to my untutored eye like a small aircraft carrier, is an amphibious assault craft. On board are about 800 Marines (2,200 in the three ships), 26 aircraft, mostly helicopters, and a 600-bed hospital.

They would have been going out to the Med anyway, later in the year, to replace the USS Kearsarge. She's used to being a jack of all trades, delivering troops to the Iraq war, then acting as a Harrier carrier, and helping with the crisis after Hurricane Katrina and the Haiti earthquake. Minutes before he boarded the ship I asked the Commodore of Amphibious Squadron Six, Capt Steven Yoder, if he knew what the mission was.

"Right now it's undetermined. We arrive on station, we will be asked to do any of the missions we're trained to. They run from humanitarian assistance to maritime and security operations," he says.

I ask the Marines' commanding officer, Col Eric Steidl, what their mission will be, given that the UN resolution and President Barack Obama have been quite clear that there will be no boots on the ground, especially not American boots.

"I don't make policy decisions, I do what 'higher' tells me to do. Does that mean they will have nothing to do? That's not for me to say," he tells me.

In any war, the individual fighting men and women and their units don't know exactly what they are going to be doing and how that might change. It is a cliche to say no battle plan survives contact with the enemy. But in the Libyan crisis, there is greater uncertainty. The natural evolution of any conflict is further fogged by the uncertainty of what happens if Col Muammar Gaddafi doesn't lose quickly, and fears that the mission will change.

Nonetheless, those 2,200 Marines had better be prepared for a dull and uneventful trip. If they ever come off the front ramp of this landing craft, if they are ever deployed, it will be in defiance of the UN's resolution.

Mr Obama's words are clear, but the US military likes to be prepared for anything.

President Barack Obama tonight makes a speech he'd rather not be making: Explaining to his country, proud of its military but weary of war, why he has decided to bomb the armed forces of another Middle Eastern country.

TV networks are gearing up for live coverage. Mr Obama doesn't want to be a foreign policy president when most Americans are far more interested in the state of the economy, but he may not be able to avoid that fate.

The networks wouldn't dream of breaking into normal programming for one of his frequent economic speeches, so it is as though he never made them. This, on the other hand, could be a defining moment.

Some think it is too late. One usually supportive commentator writes: "This is really, truly unbelievable to me, and the worst thing Obama has done as president."

The man who speaks for House Republicans, John Boehner wrote a letter listing a series of worries, concluding, "all of these concerns point to a fundamental question: what is your benchmark for success in Libya?"

The president has made his task more difficult with an approach that is either sophisticated or confused, depending on your take.

He has to tell America why it is worth taking action. He also has to explain why he doesn't want the US to be in the lead or in charge. It took more than a week of wrangling before Nato agreed to take full control.

Donald Rumsfeld made the point the coalition should be defined by it aims, not the aims by the coalition. This is a real philosophical difference: politics as the art of the possible or an act of will.

America's low profile may be genuine or just spin, smoke and mirrors to disguise America's real role, but either way it is hardly heroic.

But it may be this tepid message reflects the American public's own lukewarm enthusiasm. A Gallup poll finds 74% back action, much lower than support for the Iraq war or Afghanistan at the time.

If I was Mr Obama that wouldn't worry me too much. He doesn't want to be in Libya in 10 years.

Indeed, explaining why this is not a long-term commitment like Iraq or Afghanistan has to be an important part of the message. So does being explicit about the goals. A lot of people have trouble getting their heads around his repeated contention that a Libya without Gaddafi is a political goal of the US but not a military one. The military goal is to protect civilians. The lines may indeed be blurring as the armed rebels advance on cities where some civilians may support Gaddafi.

We will be getting briefings throughout the day, so I will update, but I expect he will start with the latest "good" news.

He will stress that the US is acting as part of an international coalition, with Arab backing, and that the US's aims and commitment are limited. And he'll throw in some stirring rhetoric about the Arab Spring and universal human rights.

I doubt that he will address what to me are the fascinating contradictions at the heart of Obama's dilemma.

• The tug between not wanting to be the world's policeman and being the only guy with the gun and the muscle to stop a murder.
• The whole-hearted desire to act in concert with other countries, and the realisation that implies going along with stuff they want to do and you don't. (Being dragged into a war by the French, imagine.)
• Not wanting to be out front when many world structures are designed in the expectation that like it or not, America will lead.
• Intellectual appreciation that the ghost of Western colonialism is a powerful spirit never exorcised, and frustration that an untainted liberal interventionism hasn't grown in other countries.

He said he had ordered military action in Libya to prevent a massacre that would have "stained the conscience of the world", and would have meant "the democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is the best strategy to cling to power".

He said that that "would have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America is different. And as president, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action."

Having dealt with critics who say he's gone too far, Mr Obama turned to those who say he hasn't gone far enough.

He said the world would be a better place without Col Muammar Gaddaffi, but to widen military aims to get rid of him would have splintered the coalition and meant American boots on the ground.

"To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful about Iraq's future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something we can afford to repeat in Libya."

In this, he is preparing people for what may be quite a messy period, and he warned that Libya will remain dangerous until Col Gaddafi goes, that the Libyan leader may cling to power for a while, but that his people had been given "time and space" to decide their own destiny.

This is one question hanging in the air. How far is the coalition acting as the rebel air force? It may not be targeting the top man, but is it intent on destroying his military force? How thin is the line between driving off an army that may attack civilians and destroying that army in case they do?

The other question left hanging was whether there was such a thing as an "Obama doctrine", or at least a consistent approach to intervention. On the one hand, he seemed to argue against those who said America should not police the world: "There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our interests and values are."

However, he accepted that didn't mean action in every case. "It is true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what's right."

So he seems to be saying, sometimes you do, sometimes you don't, take each case on its merit.

But what struck me most forcibly was the determined, confident tone of the speech. Every single news conference, sound bite or statement so far by Mr Obama has stressed that the UK and France were in the lead, the Arabs were supporting, the US was just part of a broad coalition. They've been thoughtful and a little hesitant. Those were the "on the road" snapshots. This was the air-brushed studio portrait.

Now Mr Obama repeatedly talked of the decisions he took, his leadership, his reasoning for taking firm action. The fact that the US mission is winding down and that it is handing over control to Nato was in there, but it wasn't the emphasis. Now it seems as if the action has worked, Mr Obama is claiming credit. The "I" word was to the fore, and I don't just mean Iraq.

Beneath that bland obfuscation, the momentum is all in one direction. The speed of decision making is seriously slowed by the friction of several concerns.

Some are worried about the legality of an apparent breach of an arms embargo. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton isn't one of them. She says a transfer of arms would be legal.

With "flickers" of intelligence that the rebels may contain al-Qaeda supporters come deep concerns that Nato would be arming the enemy.

You don't have to be the CIA or SIS to know this is likely to be true. Libyan al-Qaeda fighters were active in Iraq, and the closely linked Islamic Fighting Group has been active in the past.

Defence Secretary Robert Gates may have some doubts about this path.

After all, he was one of the CIA officers involved in arming the mujahideen in the 1980s. That's right: the guys who became the Taliban, whom the Americans are fighting to this day.

But most of the discussion is missing a much bigger point.

"Arming the rebels" is a convenient shorthand, but anyone who thinks it is that simple is living in an exciting Boy's Own world of adventure that bears little relationship to real military conflict.

Former CIA officer Bruce Riedel, who chaired Mr Obama's review of Afghanistan and Pakistan policy, told me: "This is more complex than flying planes over and throwing AK-47s on the ground."

The sort of heavy weapons that would make the difference require months of intense training. But Mr Riedel thinks the path is set.

We are past the Rubicon. Barring a miracle, the situation looks like a stalemate. If we don't want to live with that, it means boots on the ground.

He says that as America boots are politically out of the question, that means the rebel forces will have to defeat Col Gaddafi. My BBC colleagues on the front line say while the rebels lack serious weaponry, what they lack even more is a coherent plan.

Mr Riedel says as well as training in specific weapons they need "organisation and discipline".

"It is about turning a rabble into an army," he says.

It seems to me that this is a slippery slope. You provide weapons, so you provide trainers. The trainers need protecting. The protectors needs supply lines. The supply lines need protecting. Before you know it there are more than just a few foreign boots on the ground.

Mr Riedel again:

Mission creep is inevitable. That is why you saw such an anguished debate. Those most reluctant, like the defence secretary, know that and will want a clarity of mission and more troops. The uniformed military have understood from the beginning once you start these things they snowball.

America does have experience in this field. There was another conflict where it sent a few people to oversee the supply of military equipment to local fighters and the French. That expanded to a few hundred advisers, to supply a little guidance and little training at a distance. Before long some more troops were sent. That's when it became known as the Vietnam War.

The 2012 presidential race is on. Kinda.

At the moment, it feels more like a wade through treacle - so slow is the pace of President Barack Obama's opponents. Mr Obama can be unambiguous that he is going to run because they are all showing varying degrees of hesitancy.

If the president is to get back into the White House he has to leap a number of obstacles: an economy that is so sluggish that there are constant worries it could go backwards and supporters who may be unenthusiastic about sending more troops to Afghanistan, bombing Libya and failing to close Guantanamo Bay prison. There is also huge uncertainly in the country about health care and much more we will be looking at in detail.

But the strength of opposition doesn't seem, at the moment, a particularly high hurdle.  To British eyes, the primary system is one of the most curious parts of American politics.

The elite of British political parties have only grudgingly and slowly given the power of choosing their own leader. The principle of "one member, one vote" has been slow in coming. 

Elections for leaders rarely grip in the same way as American internal elections. While any American can easily register as a Republican or Democrat and have their say about who represents them, in Britain being a party member still seems an effort of will.

Twenty-five pounds ($40) per year may not be much to play your part in conservative politics in Britain, £12 may be a bargain to have a say in the Lib Dems and it's only a penny (for those under 27) to join the Labour Party - but it still costs something.

There's a feeling that being interested in who becomes your PM or MP isn't enough. You have to be willing to sit in draughty village halls on wet Wednesdays listening.  

The biggest difference is perhaps not in just who is involved, but how late in the political cycle the choice is made. This has a real impact. Every party leader, good or bad, has an image, policy likes and dislikes and personal ticks that colour voters approach to the parties as a whole.

The British public has years to get to know Ed Miliband and decide what to think about him leading a Labour government. Here in the US, the opposition is currently either faceless or hydra-headed. There is no obvious front-runner, and any prediction about who will be the Republican candidate in 2012 is nothing more than an informed guess.

Mr Obama v Michele Bachmann would be quite a different contest to Mr Obama v John Huntsman. 

Republicans get to choose, late in the day, exactly what they want their party to stand for.

The influence of the Tea Party suggests any candidate will be economically conservative, but beyond that, it is impossible to predict very much. The candidates are so unenthusiastic about firing the starting gun, the first big debate at the Reagan library in California has been put back from next month to the autumn.

Mitt Romney, Tim Pawlenty, Newt Gingrich, Michele Bachmann and Donald Trump seem almost certain to have a go. Sarah Palin, Mike Huckabee, John Huntsman and Mitch Daniels seem less sure bets. And, of course, there are plenty of other names out there.

Mr Obama is starting the race now to make sure that whoever challenges him, his organisation will be ramped up and ready, with big bucks at its command.