Good or bad? Better or worse than Huckabee?

The state leads the nation in poverty and homelessness while it's socialist elites live in absolute luxury. It's like some third world nation the US is obligated to invade on the basis of humanitarianism.

Pennsylvania Avenue, would placing some of them in zoos be unethical? Would they be considered human enough to receive human rights?

He shouldn't have fought back when the guy pointed the shot gun at him

Maybe because there's never been a great Democrat president?  And never will be.  They're all horrible.

I’ve been talking to a man, we have mutual interest in each other. We talked on the phone for over an hour the night before last and it was an amazing conversation. The next day he had no contact with me, which in my mind it didn’t bother me and still kind of isn’t I think he just is doing his own thing and likes his personal space. I’m not too bothered or worried but still questioning why? Is it normal for a man to kinda disappear and have no contact for a day?

I have a 23 day cycle and around day 19 up until my period I produce a ovulation like discharge, it’s clear/ white and super stretchy. I don’t get this during the “ovulation” time frame, it tends to be thick and cloudy then. Why? And when am I ovulating?

What band was he with before?

If so, can you do it online? I don't want to catch COVID-19 waiting in some packed line, as I live with an 80 year old.

Oh would that 'less laws/more liberty/more state capital power' look anything like Mike Pence's Religious Freedom Restoration Act or in other words the 'we Conservative Republican Christians are such oppressed persecuted victims WAAAAA WAAAA' Bill. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KIikqPmbgvI 

For Stephen we'd  use the nickname "Stevie" and for Thomas we'd use the nickname "Tommy" if that helps.

Do you let your kids watch Disney and Pixar movies? They're all created by liberals.

802.11n device 20 MHz band 32 QAM 1/2 coding rate What's formula?

My step daughter is 5 and her dad lives states away. He calls her maybe once a month (not even on holidays) he hasn’t had her since she was one (when they lived in the same state) he had told my wife if our daughter wanted to see him we could bring her to him but he wasn’t coming to our state. My wife asked him beginning of this year if he’d sign his rights over. He doesn’t talk to her and he was behind on child support. He said no and that we was going to finally pick her up. He is getting married and didn’t include the little one we told him if he is going to get her he needs to tell her that it’s not just him living there and he is getting married. Our daughter was hurt by it that he hid this from her (they’ve been engaged for 4 years). She’s been crying she doesn’t want to go and he isn’t willing to come stay the week here to visit. He said he is taking her back to his state for a month. Yes it’s in their agreement but is there anything we can do? She really doesn’t want to go to a “strangers” house is what my daughter says. 

Sounds better than some made up nonsense. Might as well have called it the rumoponosisack 77 syndrome H.

With displacement at a record high, governments around the world are looking for ways to jumpstart, expand, or maximize the impact of their refugee resettlement programs. Yet the evidence base regarding the effectiveness of such programs is particularly thin. This report maps the monitoring and evaluation gaps that exist and identifies areas where further research could help inform policymakers' actions.

Marking the release of an MPI Europe report commissioned as part of the EU-FRANK project, this webinar examines critical gaps in the research and evaluation of refugee resettlement programs and recommendations for improving evidence gathering and knowledge sharing between resettlement countries. 

Following the 2015­–16 crisis that saw record numbers of refugees arrive in Europe, policymakers have shown interest in creating managed, legal alternatives to the dangerous, unauthorized journeys many asylum seekers make. While these discussions should be informed by an understanding of current pathways and protection channels, it is "nearly impossible" to know how protection seekers enter and what legal channels are available to them, as this MPI Europe report explains.

As European policymakers and publics continue to grapple with the migration crisis, this conversation offers an opportunity to reflect on the role and responsibility of experts in these politically sensitive debates.

Across Europe, grassroots efforts have emerged in the wake of crisis that draw members of the public into the process of receiving refugees and supporting their integration. This policy brief examines the many forms community-based or private sponsorship can take, what benefits such approaches may hold for European communities, and the tradeoffs policymakers face in their implementation.

Following the release of the mid-term review of the European Agenda on Migration, this webinar offers insights from EU Member States on how existing, new, and untapped legal pathways interact with other humanitarian policies, and fit into a larger protection strategy.

Since the 2015–16 refugee crisis, European policymakers have eagerly sought cooperation with origin and transit countries in the hopes of stemming unauthorized migration to Europe. This approach is neither new, nor without its limitations. By examining the evolution of two longstanding Mediterranean partnerships—between Spain and Morocco, and Italy and Tunisia—this report offers insights on what has and has not worked.

In 2016, the European Union announced with fanfare a new Migration Partnership Framework to inform cooperation with countries of origin and transit. While the bloc has long recognized collaboration as key to achieving its migration-management aims, EU partnerships face persistent challenges, including looking beyond short-term enforcement goals and taking into account partner needs, capacity, and objectives.

European policymakers are fixated on reform of the Dublin Regulation, the contentious rules that carve up responsibility for asylum claims between EU states. They see it not only as a long-term prophylactic against future fluctuations in irregular migration, but as a marker of the success or failure of solidarity in Europe overall. Yet rather than doggedly working to salvage Dublin, policymakers need to stop and consider why they regard it as so integral to European cooperation, as this commentary explores.

During the 2015–16 migration crisis, European asylum systems were stretched to a breaking point. Yet many of the structural issues that contributed to failures to register newcomers, insufficient reception capacity, and growing backlogs of asylum cases existed before—and many remain unresolved. This report critically evaluates Common European Asylum System legal and operational shortcomings at a time when reform is on the table.

The EU-Turkey deal has been credited with helping to end the migration crisis of 2015-16, and after two years in force it has fostered a myth that such deals are cure-alls. They are not, as this MPI Europe commentary explores. Recent EU responses place great emphasis on transit routes to Europe. But what if the next major event is a different kind of shock altogether?

With pressure mounting on EU Member States to create and scale up refugee resettlement programs, many have turned to peers in other countries for information, advice, and operational support. This report maps the many forms resettlement-focused peer-support initiatives take and discusses common stumbling blocks and strategies for policymakers and program designers looking to make the most of these critical exchanges.

Fostering the social and economic inclusion of refugees has long been the domain of governments and NGOs. In the wake of the 2015–16 European migration and refugee crisis, however, new actors have emerged and taken on important roles in integrating newcomers. This report describes key discussions and takeaways from an MPI Europe conference on these developments.

As maritime arrivals climbed in 2015, EU policymakers struggled to mount a coordinated response. A range of ad hoc crisis-response tools emerged, but many officials worry that if another migration emergency were to hit Europe, the European Union may still be unprepared. This report traces the evolution of the EU response to the 2015–16 crisis and lays out recommendations to lock in progress and shore up weaknesses.

European countries have ramped up their investments in helping refugees find work and integrate into society. Yet little hard evidence exists of what programs and policies work best. This report proposes a new framework for thinking smartly about integration programming, using cost-benefit analysis to look beyond short-term, economic outcomes to also measure indirect benefits through a social-value concept.

EU policy debates about moving asylum seekers from overburdened frontline countries, such as Greece and Italy, to other Member States rarely consider how migrants form and act on preferences for certain destinations—and how difficult it may be to change these views. This issue brief explores decision-making among migrants in Greece, including how living conditions, jobs, and legal status factor in.

European policymakers are negotiating the blueprint for the next EU funding cycle—a plan that will determine how much money is available for migration and integration aims, what it can be used for, and who can access it. This policy brief explores some of the limitations of EU funds, as well as strategies that could help them more effectively serve migration and integration policy goals.

Refugees encounter a range of challenges after resettlement—from adjusting to a new culture and language, to finding a job. Many resettlement countries invest in predeparture orientation to help refugees develop the knowledge, skills, and attitudes to face these challenges. This report explores the many forms these programs take, highlighting important design questions and key elements that effective programs share.