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Article Alert: Measuring Rao's Q diversity index from remote sensing: An open source solution

By www.eubon.eu
Published On :: Fri, 26 Aug 2016 10:47:00 +0300

Key in ensuring the effectiveness of conservation efforts and maintaining ecosystem health, measuring biodiversity can benefit greatly when remote sensing data comes into the equation. A new EU BON related paper, published in the journal Ecological Indicators, proposes open source solutions for measuring the important Rao's Q index, when it comes to remote sensing data.

Abstract: 

Measuring biodiversity is a key issue in ecology to guarantee effective indicators of ecosystem health at different spatial and time scales. However, estimating biodiversity from field observations might present difficulties related to costs and time needed. Moreover, a continuous data update for biodiversity monitoring purposes might be prohibitive. From this point of view, remote sensing represents a powerful tool since it allows to cover wide areas in a relatively low amount of time. One of the most common indicators of biodiversity is Shannon's entropy H′, which is strictly related to environmental heterogeneity, and thus to species diversity. However, Shannon's entropy might show drawbacks once applied to remote sensing data, since it considers relative abundances but it does not explicitly account for distances among pixels’ numerical values. In this paper we propose the use of Rao's Q applied to remotely sensed data, providing a straightforward R-package function to calculate it in 2D systems. We will introduce the theoretical rationale behind Rao's index and then provide applied examples based on the proposed R function.

Original Source: 

Rocchini, D., Marcantonio, M., Ricotta, C. (2017). Measuring Rao's Q diversity index rom remote sensing: an open source solution. Ecological Indicators, 72: 234-238. [5years-IF: 3.649] DOI:10.1016/j.ecolind.2016.07.039



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Symposium: Remote Sensing for Conservation - ZSL 2014

By www.eubon.eu
Published On :: Fri, 11 Apr 2014 15:06:00 +0300

The ZSL symposium on Remote Sensing for Conservation will take place on the 22nd and 23rd of May 2014 at ZSL in London.  This symposium will highlight integrative approaches for an improved ecological understanding of the mechanisms shaping current changes in biodiversity patterns, while triggering new research directions in remote sensing science and the development of new remote sensing products.
 


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The 36th International Symposium on Remote Sensing of Environment (ISRSE)

By www.eubon.eu
Published On :: Thu, 07 Aug 2014 17:21:00 +0300

36th International Symposium on Remote Sensing of Environment (ISRSE) will take place on May 11-15, 2015 in Berlin, Germany.

This 36th Symposium will represent a major event in the long series of internationally recognized ISRSE meetings. The overall theme of the symposium is the use of Earth Observation systems and related Remote Sensing techniques for understanding and managing the Earth environment and resources.

The event will also feature sessions "Biodiversity and Conservation" aiming to show the developments and potential of remote sensing within biodiversity and conservation science.

Find out more about this session in the brochure attached below or n the event website: www.isrse36.org

All 12 themes for abstract submission are listed in the Technical programme: http://www.isrse36.org/technical-programme/ and under Abstract submission: http://meetingorganizer.copernicus.org/ISRSE36/sessionprogramme and Deadline for Abstracts is latest 9 November 2014.

Registration: http://www.isrse36.org/registration/

 



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What can Remote Sensing do for the Conservation of Wetlands?

By www.eubon.eu
Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2015 19:32:00 +0300

The International Symposium "What can Remote Sensing do for the Conservation of Wetlands?" will take place on 23 October 2015 in parallel with the XVI Congreso de la Asociación Española de Teledetección (XVI Meeting of the Spanish Remote Sensing Association) in Seville, Spain.

The Symposium aims to become an interdisciplinary meeting for wetland managers and scientists interested in remote sensing as well as remote sensing experts doing research in wetlands.

Wetlands are fragile and dynamic ecosystems sensitive to changes in climate and land-use, and rich in biodiversity. For centuries they were considered to have little or no value, and most have been drained or transformed. In 1971 the first international convention for the protection of Wetlands, the Ramsar Convention, was signed to promote their conservation and sustainable use. Now it is recognized that wetlands provide fundamental ecosystem services, such as water regulation, filtering and purification, as well as scientific, cultural, and recreational values. Wetlands constitute an extensive array of ecosystems ranging from lakes and rivers to marshes and tidal flats. An increasing number of wetlands have some kind of legal protection, and many wetlands are monitored and actively managed.

For more information on the symposium, please visit the official webpage: http://wetlandssymposium.com/



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2017 GEO Work Programme Symposium & 37th International Symposium of Remote Sensing (ISRSE)

By www.eubon.eu
Published On :: Fri, 02 Dec 2016 16:54:00 +0200

The 2017 GEO Work Programme Symposium will be held back-to-back with the 37th International Symposium of Remote Sensing (ISRSE), in Tshwane, South Africa, the week of 8-13 May 2017.

The ISRSE thematic areas are aligned with GEO's areas of focus and Societal Benefit Areas (SBAs). Abstracts for the conference themes may be submitted by 22 November 2016 here:

Please inform Douglas Cripe (dcripe@geosec.org) at the GEO Secretariat if you do submit an abstract.

In support of the Work Programme Symposium, there are eight GEO special sessions in which you are encouraged to submit an abstract:

  • 04-1 GEOGLAM - Beyond crop monitoring, form data to actionable knowledge;
  • 04-4 Towards a new philosophy for generating land cover;
  • 10-2 The GFOI as a R&D promoter toward operational tropical forest monitoring systems;
  • 11-2 Innovative infrastructure for delivering Earth Observations solutions; 
  • 11-4 Implementing GEOSS Data Sharing and Management Principles at the national level in Africa;
  • 12-2 GEO in-situ observation networks;
  • 13-2 GEOSS Common Infrastructure for Africa; and
  • 13-5 Implementing the GEO user needs and gaps process: expectations, opportunities and challenges.

To contribute to these special sessions, please submit your abstract by 24 November 2016 using this link:

 



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A recording of David’s memorial service is now online

By www.davidbordwell.net
Published On :: Sun, 09 Jun 2024 09:48:05 +0000

KT here: A memorial service for David was held on May 18, 2024. Although many friends and family members traveled to be present, the service was also streamed live for those who could not. For those who were unable to do either, a recording of the service has been posted on Vimeo. The link is […]


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A memorial slide show for David

By www.davidbordwell.net
Published On :: Fri, 18 Oct 2024 19:42:33 +0000

After David’s memorial service in May (a video recording of which is permanently on Vimeo with no password necessary), some people on my Facebook page asked if a collection of photographs of David could be made available. There was a slide show created to run on a loop in the lobby of the funeral home […]


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How dare Spain of all nations try to lecture Britain about democracy

By www.collectiuemma.cat
Published On :: Wed, 28 Nov 2018 22:00:00 +0100

Spain has threatened to block the Brexit deal if it does not get a veto over how any future trade deal applies to Gibraltar (pictured) 

AFP /Getty Images
 


DAILY MAIL
22-11-2018
 
By STEPHEN GLOVER
 
Theresa May already has enough problems on her hands with the Democratic Unionist Party and Tory Brexiteers proclaiming they will vote against her deal in the Commons next month.

Just when she least needed another set of anxieties, the Spanish government has tossed a potentially lethal grenade in her direction. It is threatening to scupper the Brexit agreement because it is unhappy with a section of the draft withdrawal agreement concerning Gibraltar.

At the same time, its foreign minister, Josep Borrell, has let fly by suggesting that Brexit could split apart the United Kingdom. He claims to be ‘very much more worried’ about the unity of the UK than of Spain.
 
And, in a move bound to cheer Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP, he says Spain has dropped its historic opposition to Scotland joining the EU as an independent country. Madrid had hitherto tried to discourage nationalists in Catalonia by insisting that it would block Scottish membership of the Union.

I must say that, on the eve of Sunday’s planned EU summit, none of this is very friendly or helpful. By announcing that Scotland would be welcomed with open arms, Mr Borrell seems almost to be willing the disintegration of the United Kingdom.

What is the Spanish government playing at? Gibraltar has of course long been a bone of contention, with Madrid laying claim to the Rock, which was ceded to Britain in 1713.

Here one must say, with all possible courtesy, that Spain’s obsession with Gibraltar sometimes verges on the deranged. In a 1967 referendum, 99.6 per cent of Gibraltar’s citizens voted to remain British. In 2002, a proposal for joint sovereignty was rejected by 98 per cent of Gibraltarians.

Some people might have got the message by now that pretty well everyone in the tiny territory would prefer to stay British, thank you very much. But a succession of testosterone-driven Spanish politicians will not listen.
 
One of the ironies of this story, so grotesque that it is hard not to be amused, is that Madrid vehemently defends its right to retain two historic enclaves in Morocco, called Ceuta and Melilla. The Moroccan government periodically grumbles about this anomaly.

Spain’s sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla is, to its way of thinking, beyond reproach, even though it’s not at all clear that all the inhabitants of the two enclaves are joyful subjects. But Gibraltar, whose people are thoroughly happy being British, should belong to Spain. Get it?

All this has blown up because Gibraltar will leave the EU on March 29 next year along with the UK, though it should be said that 96 per cent of its citizens voted Remain on an 82 per cent turnout. However, there’s no evidence that any of them are hankering after rule from Madrid.

Why is the Spanish government so upset? Because it believes that Article 184 of the draft withdrawal agreement implies that the future of the territory will be decided by the EU and the UK, without Spain necessarily being involved.

This is a case of paranoia. Spain is certain to be consulted by both parties, and is constantly talking about Gibraltar with the British Government. The truth is that politicians in Madrid are puffing out their chests with characteristic machismo.

I would be surprised if they do upset the deal, though one can’t be sure. In a narrow sense, this is a squabble about virtually nothing, since, as I have said, Spain will continue to be included in discussions.

But the outburst reminds us just how fixated all Spanish governments (the present one is Left-wing) are on Gibraltar, and how weak is their adherence to democratic principles.

So far as Madrid is concerned, Gibraltar should be Spanish because it is part of the Spanish mainland, and was inveigled by Perfidious Albion a very long time ago. It seems hardly to weigh with them that the vast majority of people in the territory understandably see themselves as British.
 
In this view of things, sovereignty has its roots in land, not in the hearts of citizens. This idea was perfectly demonstrated last autumn, when the Catalan government in Barcelona decided to call a referendum on independence, which resulted in a large Leave majority on a relatively small turnout.

Arguably, the Catalan nationalists overplayed their hand. But nothing can excuse the response of the Madrid Government. Its police bludgeoned and assaulted defenceless voters who were simply trying to exercise their democratic right. Some 900 people were said to be injured.

After the vote, the Spanish government summarily dissolved the Catalan Parliament and arrested leading Catalan politicians. President Puigdemont and others managed to escape to Belgium, but were forced to flee to Germany after Madrid issued European arrest warrants alleging crimes of rebellion and sedition.

These warrants have now been suspended but Puigdemont and his colleagues dare not return to Spain for fear that they will be arrested and thrown into jail.

None of this sounds very civilised, does it? And so when Josep Borrell says that he thinks Spain will remain a united state for longer than the United Kingdom, I can’t help shaking my head in disbelief.

Spain — which, let’s face it, is a very young democracy, though of course a great country — refused to allow a referendum on independence in Catalonia. When the Catalans went ahead and held one of their own, the Spanish state cracked down on them in a pretty brutal way.
 
By contrast, Westminster — a very much older democracy — acceded to the SNP’s request for a referendum on independence in 2014. No one can doubt that if a majority of the Scottish people had voted to leave the UK, their wish would have been honoured. The Spanish way, pretty openly endorsed by Brussels, was to rely on coercion. The British way, at any rate in the 21st century, was to rely on persuasion and open debate, and to accept the powerful democratic idea that people should be governed with their consent.

Only a fool would deny that the United Kingdom faces challenges to its survival as a unitary state. But I venture to suggest that consent is likely to keep it together longer than Spain will be held together by force.

What has happened in Catalonia is that a long-established longing for independence has been quelled, but it has not been extinguished. Sooner or later it will rise again. What will politicians in Madrid then do?

As for Gibraltar, in the unlikely event of a majority of its people ever wanting to exchange their British citizenship for Spanish, I have no doubt that their desire would be granted. It is partly the sure knowledge that it would be that makes them want to stay British.

How we flagellate ourselves at the moment during these wrangles over Brexit. We are said to be the laughing stock of Europe. Our democracy is spoken of as dysfunctional. Many of us feel a bit down in the dumps.

But when I look at Spain, and hear its foreign minister cheerfully prophesying the break-up of the United Kingdom; when I see Spanish politicians casting avaricious eyes on the Rock of Gibraltar — why, then I am still very glad to be British.
 
 
 


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Catalan political crisis 'should speak to all democrats'

By www.collectiuemma.cat
Published On :: Fri, 28 Dec 2018 17:45:00 +0100

JOAQUIM Forn was Catalonia’s interior minister until he was arrested for his role in the October 2017 independence referendum. He has been in jail since.


THE NATIONAL

18th December 2018



Exclusive by GREG RUSSELL



Forn has also been on hunger strike for two weeks, one of four prisoners taking this drastic course of action. Here, he talks about his incarceration, the forthcoming trials and Europe.

What is your view of events such as the continuing refusal of European leaders to take up your cases; and the way Spain is lurching further to the right almost every day?

I am worried that Europe turns its back on the situation we are in. What is happening is a clear violation of civil rights and liberties. In Spain, an involution is happening as a consequence of a weak left that is being dragged by the discourse of the PP (People’s Party) and Ciudadanos (Citizens) and also due to the rise of the extreme right with Vox.

Europe should not be unconnected to this regression and should position itself in defence of our liberties.

The political prisoners have a huge amount of support with daily protests outside Lledoners – does that support give you more strength?

Absolutely. Some of us have been for more than a year in pretrial and preventative detention. First in prison in Madrid and now in Catalunya.

These last few months have been very tough and we have been able to overcome them thanks to the support from our families and the societal mobilisation that there is in Catalunya.

From the prison courtyard we can hear the chants and shouts of support. Without this great support, the situation would have been more difficult to bear.

You have been on hunger strike now for two weeks, are you not worried that this protest can damage you?

We have not imposed a time limit upon ourselves. Our hunger strike aims to denounce the inaction of the Constitutional Court (TC), which has not reviewed our appeals. Some of these were submitted a year ago. The court, who should be the guarantor of our rights, is acting subordinate to political interests and is denying us access to European justice.

What we are enduring in Spain should not only worry independence supporters. Any democrat should react to this arbitrariness. We are clearly worried about the possible consequences to our health. The medical services from jail check us daily. We cannot forget that our trial is starting next month and that we should confront it in the best possible condition, both physical and mentally.

The TC judges have said they will hear you appeals next month (and will hear some cases before then) – do you believe that they will stick to that timetable?

From the moment we started the hunger strike, the TC made some moves. This week, it has started to resolve five of almost 30 appeals that all the defendants have presented.

Next week it will continue to resolve other appeals. It is clear that the TC knows it has not acted according to the law and should face our complaint.

How do you view the world’s response to what is happening in Catalonia?

I would like there to be a bigger awareness of what is happening in Spain. The governments of both PP and PSOE (Spanish Socialist Party) have dismissed dialogue, which is the political way, and have ended up imposing criminal law solutions against the political demands of millions of Catalans.

The fact that in Europe, in the 21st century, we are talking about exiled and imprisoned politicians should worry the European states and citizens. The crisis being lived in Catalunya should speak to all democrats. The debate about liberties is very alive in Europe and the world, so we cannot turn our backs as if this debate does not concern us.

How worrying is the prospect of not receiving a fair trial?

Without a doubt, we are very worried. In any case, I see the trial as an opportunity. We are not in the pretrial proceedings any more, so now the accusations need to be argued with proof.

The prosecution wanted to create the narrative of rebellion and sedition, based on the police reports from the Civil Guard and the National Police. The German courts have compellingly ruled out these crimes. The trial will be broadcast live, with the presence of international observers.

I have not lost faith and I truly think that with the criminal code in hand, the only possible sentence is absolution.

Is there anything else you’d like to say?

I would like to thank the Scottish people for showing their solidarity and support. We have received hundreds of letters and postcards. We cannot answer them all which is why I want to take this opportunity to thank them for their gesture.




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Catalunya, Europa, democràcia

By www.collectiuemma.cat
Published On :: Wed, 20 Mar 2019 20:30:00 +0100

Un manifest italià que demana la llibertat dels presos polítics i ‘el retorn’ a la normalitat democràtica a l’estat espanyol suma centenars d’adhesions. El text l’ha impulsat una quarantena d'intel·lectuals i polítics italians i l’han publicat al mitjà d’esquerres Left.it

A Madrid, al cor d’Europa occidental, dotze representants de la política i de la societat civil de Catalunya són en aquests dies sota judici. Nou d’ells són en presó preventiva, en molts casos des de fa més d’un any. Els càrrecs són molt greus i la fiscalia els demana penes que poden arribar fins a 25 anys.

 

Entre els presumptes delictes de què se’ls acusa hi ha el de "rebel·lió": és la figura criminal utilitzada per a aquells que el 1981 van irrompre armats dins el parlament espanyol i van treure els tancs al carrer. Efectivament, el codi penal espanyol, en la tipificació d’aquest delicte, requereix l’element de la "alçament violent".

L'única violència fins ara clarament visible i que ha aparegut en gran nombre d’imatges que han fet la volta al mon, és tanmateix la emprada per les forces policials espanyoles, sortint de tot arreu del país cap a Catalunya amb el crit amenaçador de "a por ellos!"; pegant votants i manifestants (fins i tot no independentistes) que resistien pacíficament, amb els braços alçats, defensant els col·legis electorals; disparant bales de goma als ciutadans,  tot i que el seu ús està prohibit a Catalunya.

 

Però la història judicial no s’acaba a Madrid, davant el Tribunal Suprem. Altres acusats son jutjats (per desobediència i altres delictes) pels tribunals de Catalunya; hi ha centenars d'alcaldes, activistes socials, artistes, investigats (i en alguns casos condemnats) per haver contribuït d’alguna manera a la preparació del referèndum o simplement per expressar les seves idees (eloqüent, en aquest sentit, l'Informe Amnistia Internacional 2017 / 18, pàgines 339-341).

Hi ha, a més, set polítics, tant parlamentaris com membres de l'anterior govern català que es van refugiar a Bèlgica, Escòcia i Suïssa per no ser detinguts i per continuar la seva acció política des de l’exterior: són ciutadans lliures a tot Europa, perquè arran de la decisió d’un tribunal alemany en el cas de Puigdemont, l’autoritat judicial espanyola va retirar totes les euroordres d’arrest en contra d’ells.

 

Més enllà de les anomalies tècniques dels procediments judicials (destacades per diversos observadors internacionals), és evident el què està passant: s’està discutint als tribunals una qüestió eminentment política, que mai no hauria d’haver sortit del camp de la política. Es criminalitza tota una classe política, la responsabilitat de la qual és haver intentat obligar les institucion espanyoles, tancades radicalment al diàleg, a obrir-se. S'oblida que més de dos milions de ciutadans catalans han estat demanant des de fa anys, d'una manera correcta i pacífica, poder-se expressar lliurement i democràticament sobre quina hauria de ser l'estructura de les relacions entre Espanya i Catalunya.

Només des d’una posició de nacionalisme intransigent es pot mantenir que la qüestió de la independència de Catalunya sigui un tema sobre el qual ni tan sols es pot obrir el debat democràtic; només des d’una posició il·liberal es pot considerar preferible la limitació dels drets fonamentals civils i polítics.

 

El silenci d’Europa, que liquida l’afer com una qüestió interna a Espanya, és deplorable i perillós. És un signe de debilitat de les institucions europees, no de força, i contribueix a la radicalització del conflicte, no a la seva resolució. Si la UE accepta la criminalització de la protesta pacífica i de la desobediència civil en un país membre de la rellevància d'Espanya, els que son amenaçats son els drets de tots els demòcrates, no només dels catalans, sinó dels espanyols i dels europeus. I aquest silenci és fins i tot vergonyós quan el Parlament Europeu prohibeix als polítics catalans refugiats a l’estranger participar en una conferència organitzada a les seves instal·lacions tot permetent, gairebé simultàniament, un debat anti-catalanista promogut per Vox, un partit espanyol d’extrema dreta, obertament i programàticament homòfob, masclista, xenòfob.

 

És preocupant també l'escassa atenció d’una part de la premsa, l'opinió i els intel·lectuals del nostre país envers aquesta qüestió. En l’escenari descrit, creiem, al contrari, que és totalment necessari el compromís i el control vigilant de tots aquells que es preocupen per la protecció dels drets, els valors democràtics i els principis consagrats en els propis tractats de la UE.

Demanem, com a ciutadans europeus, l'alliberament dels presos catalans, el retorn a una situació de normalitat democràtica i l’obertura d’un diàleg polític sobre la qüestió, l’únic camí que pot conduir a una solució coherent amb els valors de la democràcia.

El destí de Catalunya és el nostre destí i el destí de tot Europa.

 

[traducció al català: Marco Giralucci - Isabel Turull]


 

Maurizio Acerbo, segretario nazionale PRC-Sinistra Europea, Roma

Luigi Agostini, saggista, Roma

Matteo Angioli, Partito Radicale, Roma

Vando Borghi, Università di Bologna

Bojan Brezigar, giornalista, Trieste

Luca Cassiani, Consigliere PD Regione Piemonte, Torino

Luciano Caveri, giornalista e politico, Aosta

Lluís Cabasés, giornalista, Alba

Massimo Cacciari, filosofo, Venezia

Duccio Campagnoli, ex Assessore Emilia-Romagna, Bologna

Elisa Castellano, Fondazione Di Vittorio, Roma

Pietro Cataldi, Rettore dell’Università per stranieri di Siena

Nancy de Benedetto, Presidente Associazione italiana di studi catalani, Università di Bari

Luigi de Magistris, sindaco di Napoli

Piero Di Siena, giornalista, Roma

Fausto Durante, Resp. politiche internazionali ed europee Cgil, Roma

Paolo Ferrero, vice presidente del Partito della Sinistra Europea, Torino

Gennaro Ferraiuolo, Università di Napoli Federico II

Luigi Foffani, Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia

Eleonora Forenza, Parlamentare europea GUE/Ngl, Rifondazione comunista, Bari

Laura Harth, Rappresentante alle Nazioni Unite del Partito Radicale, Roma

Rafael Hidalgo, insegnante, Ràdio Catalunya Itàlia, Roma

Andrea Maestri, Avvocato per i diritti umani, Ravenna

Fabio Marcelli, ISGI CNR, Associazione giuristi democratici, Roma

Maria Grazia Meriggi, Università di Bergamo

Sandro Mezzadra, Università di Bologna

Cesare Minghini, sindacalista CGIL, Bologna

Tomaso Montanari, Università di Siena, Firenze

Simone Oggionni, Responsabile Forum Europa MDP-Articolo 1, Roma

Fiorella Prodi, segreteria regionale Cgil Emilia-Romagna, Modena

Roberto Rampi, senatore PD, Vimercate (MB)

Patrizio Rigobon, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

Simonetta Rubinato, avvocato, ex senatrice e deputata, Treviso

Emilio Santoro, Università di Firenze, Centro di documentazione “L’altro diritto”

Rossella Selmini, Università del Minnesota, Minneapolis-Bologna

Barbara Spinelli, giornalista e Parlamentare europea GUE/Ngl, Roma

Massimo Torelli, coordinatore nazionale di Altra Europa Con Tsipras, Firenze

Gianni Vernetti, ex senatore e sottosegretario agli Affari esteri, Torino

Walter Vitali, Direttore esecutivo Urban@it – Centro nazionale studi politiche urbane, Bologna


 

Cristina Accardi, studentessa, Salemi (TP)

Carla Acocella, Università Suor Orsola Benincasa di Napoli

Ivana Aiello, avvocato, Avellino

Rosalba Altopiedi, Università del Piemonte Orientale

Anna Amat, CNR Perugia

Umberto Amato, IMM CNR Napoli

Luciana Ambrosino, copywriter, Napoli

Giso Amendola, Università di Salerno

Virginia Amorosi, avvocato, Lecce.

Daniele Amoroso, Università di Cagliari

Giorgio Andreoli, psicologo, Milano

Simona Anichini, traduttrice, Firenze

Sara Antoniazzi, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

Francesco Ardolino, Universitat de Barcelona

Gennaro Avallone, Università di Salerno

Edoardo Balletta, Università di Bologna.

Danilo Barbi, sindacalista Cgil, Bologna

Giuliano Barbolini, ex senatore PD, Modena

Albert Barreda, pittore, Savona

Ursula Bedogni, traduttrice, Barcelona

Marzia Bertazzoni, impiegata, Parma

Gabriele Bettelli, responsabile MDP, Modena

Imma Boixadós, agente immobiliare, Bra (CN)

Mirka Bonomi, pensionata, Ostia (Roma)

Enric Bou, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

Mario Bravi, presidente IRES Umbria, Terni

Stefania Buosi Moncunill, insegnante, Trieste

Rosa Maria Caballé, dipendente pubblico, Bologna

Marco Calaresu, Università di Sassari

Domenico Caminiti, ingegnere, Torino

Stefano Campus, funzionario amministrativo, Presidente Òmnium Cultural de L'Alguer

Fulvio Capitanio, economista, Aiguafreda (Barcellona)

Flora Cappelluti, giornalista, Milano

Lìdia Carol, Università di Verona

Maria Carreras Goicochea, Università di Catania

Imma Caruso, Napoli, ISSM-CNR

Sergio Caserta, attivista e blogger, Bologna

Giovanni Castagno, insegnante, Roma

Giovanni C. Cattini, Università di Barcellona

Ivan Cecchini, dirigente pubblico, Bellaria-Igea Marina

Giulio Ceci, libero professionista, Roma

Giovanni Cherubini, ingegnere, Gilching (Germania)

Federico Chicchi, Università di Bologna

Claudia Ciavatta, dipendente pubblico, Roma

Adriano Cirulli, Università La Sapienza di Roma

Elena Coccia, Napoli, consigliere comunale Napoli, Sinistra in comune

Maria Teresa Colarossi, insegnante, Tivoli (Roma)

Gemma Teresa Colesanti, ISEM CNR Napoli

Maria Cristina Coliva, pensionata, Bologna

Mauro Colombarini, sindacalista Spi-CGIL, Bologna

Anna Maria Compagna, Università di Napoli Federico II

Michele Conia, Sindaco di Cinquefrondi (RC)

Roberto Cornelli, Università di Milano Bicocca

Giacomo Comincini, studente, Pavia

Enrico Curti, imprenditore, Riomaggiore (SP)

Salvatore D'Acunto, Seconda Università di Napoli.

Ettore D’Agostino, insegnante, Torino

Francesco D’Agresta, coordinatore provinciale MDP Pescara

Patrizia D'Antonio, insegnante, Roma

Elisa D’Ugo, studentessa, Roma

Pasquale D'Ugo, agente di commercio, Roma

Gaspare Dalia, Università di Salerno

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La Catalogna, l’Europa, la democrazia

By www.collectiuemma.cat
Published On :: Wed, 20 Mar 2019 20:30:00 +0100

Un manifesto per chiedere la libertà dei prigionieri politici catalani e il ritorno alla normalità democratica in Spagna sta raccogliendo centinaia di adesioni. Promosso da una quarantina di intellettuali e politici italiani, è stato pubblicato dal sito internet Left.it




 

A Madrid, nel cuore dell’Europa occidentale, dodici esponenti della politica e della società civile catalana sono in questi giorni sotto processo. Nove di essi si trovano in regime di detenzione preventiva, in molti casi da ben oltre un anno. I capi di imputazione sono gravissimi, con richieste di pena da parte della pubblica accusa che arrivano sino a 25 anni.

Tra i reati contestati vi è la “ribellione”: si tratta della figura criminosa utilizzata per chi, nel 1981, entrò con le armi in parlamento e portò in strada i carri armati. Il codice penale spagnolo, in effetti, richiede, nella tipizzazione del reato, l'elemento della "rivolta violenta". L’unica violenza finora certa, per le innumerevoli immagini che la mostrano e che hanno fatto il giro del mondo, è però quella messa in atto dalle forze dell'ordine spagnole: che partono da ogni angolo del Paese per la Catalogna al grido minaccioso di "a por ellos!" (“a prenderli!”; “dategli addosso!”); che picchiano votanti e manifestanti – anche non indipendentisti – intenti a resistere pacificamente, con le braccia alzate, in difesa dei seggi; che sparano proiettili di gomma sui cittadini, nonostante il loro utilizzo sia vietato in Catalogna.

Ma la vicenda giudiziaria non si esaurisce a Madrid, innanzi al Tribunal Supremo. Altri imputati verranno giudicati (per disobbedienza e ulteriori reati) da Tribunali in Catalogna; centinaia i sindaci, gli attivisti sociali, gli artisti indagati (e in alcuni casi condannati) per aver contribuito in qualche modo alla preparazione del referendum o per aver semplicemente manifestato le loro idee (eloquente, in tal senso, l’Amnesty International Report 2017/18, pp. 339-341). Vi sono, poi, i sette politici, sia parlamentari che componenti del precedente governo catalano rifugiatisi in Belgio, Scozia e Svizzera per sfuggire all’arresto e continuare a condurre la propria azione politica dall’estero. Sono liberi cittadini in tutta Europa, visto che, anche a seguito della decisione del tribunale tedesco nel caso Puigdemont, l’autorità giudiziaria spagnola ha ritirato tutti gli ordini d’arresto europeo a loro carico. Al di là delle anomalie tecniche dei procedimenti giudiziari (evidenziate da diversi osservatori internazionali), è evidente ciò che sta accadendo: si discute, nelle aule dei tribunali, di una questione eminentemente politica, che dal campo della politica non sarebbe mai dovuta uscire. Si criminalizza un’intera classe politica, la cui responsabilità è quella di aver cercato di smuovere le istituzioni spagnole da posizioni di radicale chiusura al dialogo. Si dimentica che oltre due milioni di cittadini catalani chiedono da anni, in maniera civile e pacifica, di potersi esprimere liberamente e democraticamente sull’assetto della relazione tra la Spagna e la Catalogna.

Solo da una posizione di intransigente nazionalismo si può continuare a ritenere la questione dell’indipendenza catalana un tema su cui non può neanche essere aperta una discussione democratica; solo da una posizione illiberale si può ritenere preferibile a quella prospettiva la compressione di fondamentali diritti civili e politici.

Il silenzio dell’Europa, che liquida la vicenda come affare interno alla Spagna, è deprecabile e pericoloso. Si tratta di un segno di debolezza delle istituzioni europee, non di forza, e contribuisce alla radicalizzazione del conflitto anziché alla sua risoluzione. Se la UE accetta la criminalizzazione della protesta pacifica e della disobbedienza civile in un Paese membro della rilevanza della Spagna, ad essere minacciati sono i diritti democratici non solo dei catalani, ma degli spagnoli e degli europei tutti. E quel silenzio diviene imbarazzante allorquando il Parlamento europeo vieta ai politici catalani rifugiati all’estero di partecipare ad una conferenza organizzata nei suoi locali mentre consente, quasi contestualmente, un dibattito anti-catalanista promosso dal partito spagnolo di estrema destra Vox, dichiaratamente e programmaticamente omofobo, maschilista, xenofobo.

Preoccupa anche la scarsa attenzione di parte della stampa, dell’opinione e degli intellettuali del nostro Paese. Nello scenario descritto, crediamo invece siano necessari l’impegno e il controllo vigile di tutti coloro che hanno a cuore la protezione dei diritti, dei valori democratici e dei principi sanciti dagli stessi Trattati UE.

Chiediamo, come cittadini europei, la scarcerazione dei prigionieri catalani, il ritorno ad una situazione di normalità democratica e l’apertura di un dialogo politico sulla questione, unica strada che possa condurre ad una risoluzione della stessa coerente con i valori della democrazia.

Il destino della Catalogna è anche il nostro destino, e il destino dell’Europa intera.

 

PRIMI FIRMATARI
 

Maurizio Acerbo, segretario nazionale PRC-Sinistra Europea, Roma

Luigi Agostini, saggista, Roma

Matteo Angioli, Partito Radicale, Roma

Vando Borghi, Università di Bologna

Bojan Brezigar, giornalista, Trieste

Luca Cassiani, Consigliere PD Regione Piemonte, Torino

Luciano Caveri, giornalista e politico, Aosta

Lluís Cabasés, giornalista, Alba

Massimo Cacciari, filosofo, Venezia

Duccio Campagnoli, ex Assessore Emilia-Romagna, Bologna

Elisa Castellano, Fondazione Di Vittorio, Roma

Pietro Cataldi, Rettore dell’Università per stranieri di Siena

Nancy de Benedetto, Presidente Associazione italiana di studi catalani, Università di Bari

Luigi de Magistris, sindaco di Napoli

Piero Di Siena, giornalista, Roma

Fausto Durante, Resp. politiche internazionali ed europee Cgil, Roma

Paolo Ferrero, vice presidente del Partito della Sinistra Europea, Torino

Gennaro Ferraiuolo, Università di Napoli Federico II

Luigi Foffani, Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia

Eleonora Forenza, Parlamentare europea GUE/Ngl, Rifondazione comunista, Bari

Laura Harth, Rappresentante alle Nazioni Unite del Partito Radicale, Roma

Rafael Hidalgo, insegnante, Ràdio Catalunya Itàlia, Roma

Andrea Maestri, Avvocato per i diritti umani, Ravenna

Fabio Marcelli, ISGI CNR, Associazione giuristi democratici, Roma

Maria Grazia Meriggi, Università di Bergamo

Sandro Mezzadra, Università di Bologna

Cesare Minghini, sindacalista CGIL, Bologna

Tomaso Montanari, Università di Siena, Firenze

Simone Oggionni, Responsabile Forum Europa MDP-Articolo 1, Roma

Fiorella Prodi, segreteria regionale Cgil Emilia-Romagna, Modena

Roberto Rampi, senatore PD, Vimercate (MB)

Patrizio Rigobon, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

Simonetta Rubinato, avvocato, ex senatrice e deputata, Treviso

Emilio Santoro, Università di Firenze, Centro di documentazione “L’altro diritto”

Rossella Selmini, Università del Minnesota, Minneapolis-Bologna

Barbara Spinelli, giornalista e Parlamentare europea GUE/Ngl, Roma

Massimo Torelli, coordinatore nazionale di Altra Europa Con Tsipras, Firenze

Gianni Vernetti, ex senatore e sottosegretario agli Affari esteri, Torino

Walter Vitali, Direttore esecutivo Urban@it – Centro nazionale studi politiche urbane, Bologna
 

SOTTOSCRIVONO:

Cristina Accardi, studentessa, Salemi (TP)

Carla Acocella, Università Suor Orsola Benincasa di Napoli

Ivana Aiello, avvocato, Avellino

Rosalba Altopiedi, Università del Piemonte Orientale

Anna Amat, CNR Perugia

Umberto Amato, IMM CNR Napoli

Luciana Ambrosino, copywriter, Napoli

Giso Amendola, Università di Salerno

Virginia Amorosi, avvocato, Lecce.

Daniele Amoroso, Università di Cagliari

Giorgio Andreoli, psicologo, Milano

Simona Anichini, traduttrice, Firenze

Sara Antoniazzi, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

Francesco Ardolino, Universitat de Barcelona

Gennaro Avallone, Università di Salerno

Edoardo Balletta, Università di Bologna.

Danilo Barbi, sindacalista Cgil, Bologna

Giuliano Barbolini, ex senatore PD, Modena

Albert Barreda, pittore, Savona

Ursula Bedogni, traduttrice, Barcelona

Marzia Bertazzoni, impiegata, Parma

Gabriele Bettelli, responsabile MDP, Modena

Imma Boixadós, agente immobiliare, Bra (CN)

Mirka Bonomi, pensionata, Ostia (Roma)

Enric Bou, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

Mario Bravi, presidente IRES Umbria, Terni

Stefania Buosi Moncunill, insegnante, Trieste

Rosa Maria Caballé, dipendente pubblico, Bologna

Marco Calaresu, Università di Sassari

Domenico Caminiti, ingegnere, Torino

Stefano Campus, funzionario amministrativo, Presidente Òmnium Cultural de L'Alguer

Fulvio Capitanio, economista, Aiguafreda (Barcellona)

Flora Cappelluti, giornalista, Milano

Lìdia Carol, Università di Verona

Maria Carreras Goicochea, Università di Catania

Imma Caruso, Napoli, ISSM-CNR

Sergio Caserta, attivista e blogger, Bologna

Giovanni Castagno, insegnante, Roma

Giovanni C. Cattini, Università di Barcellona

Ivan Cecchini, dirigente pubblico, Bellaria-Igea Marina

Giulio Ceci, libero professionista, Roma

Giovanni Cherubini, ingegnere, Gilching (Germania)

Federico Chicchi, Università di Bologna

Claudia Ciavatta, dipendente pubblico, Roma

Adriano Cirulli, Università La Sapienza di Roma

Elena Coccia, Napoli, consigliere comunale Napoli, Sinistra in comune

Maria Teresa Colarossi, insegnante, Tivoli (Roma)

Gemma Teresa Colesanti, ISEM CNR Napoli

Maria Cristina Coliva, pensionata, Bologna

Mauro Colombarini, sindacalista Spi-CGIL, Bologna

Anna Maria Compagna, Università di Napoli Federico II

Michele Conia, Sindaco di Cinquefrondi (RC)

Roberto Cornelli, Università di Milano Bicocca

Giacomo Comincini, studente, Pavia

Enrico Curti, imprenditore, Riomaggiore (SP)

Salvatore D'Acunto, Seconda Università di Napoli.

Ettore D’Agostino, insegnante, Torino

Francesco D’Agresta, coordinatore provinciale MDP Pescara

Patrizia D'Antonio, insegnante, Roma

Elisa D’Ugo, studentessa, Roma

Pasquale D'Ugo, agente di commercio, Roma

Gaspare Dalia, Università di Salerno

Gaetano


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