ert

What about entertainment? - Industry insider feels sector under-represented in COVID recovery task force

Last month, Prime Minister Andrew Holness announced the establishment of an Economic Recovery Task Force, chaired by Finance Minister Dr Nigel Clarke. The multisectoral task force, which is mandated to oversee Jamaica's economic recovery from...




ert

An Uncertain Future: Predicting the Economy After COVID-19

Abby Joseph Cohen and Alexis Crow share insights on the economic impact of COVID-19 in a discussion moderated by Pierre Yared. 




ert

Certain ortho-hydroxylated brominated ethers are promiscuous kinase inhibitors that impair neuronal signaling and neurodevelopmental processes [Cell Biology]

The developing nervous system is remarkably sensitive to environmental signals, including disruptive toxins, such as polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs). PBDEs are an environmentally pervasive class of brominated flame retardants whose neurodevelopmental toxicity mechanisms remain largely unclear. Using dissociated cortical neurons from embryonic Rattus norvegicus, we found here that chronic exposure to 6-OH–BDE-47, one of the most prevalent hydroxylated PBDE metabolites, suppresses both spontaneous and evoked neuronal electrical activity. On the basis of our previous work on mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK)/extracellular signal-related kinase (ERK) (MEK) biology and our observation that 6-OH–BDE-47 is structurally similar to kinase inhibitors, we hypothesized that certain hydroxylated PBDEs mediate neurotoxicity, at least in part, by impairing the MEK–ERK axis of MAPK signal transduction. We tested this hypothesis on three experimental platforms: 1) in silico, where modeling ligand–protein docking suggested that 6-OH–BDE-47 is a promiscuous ATP-competitive kinase inhibitor; 2) in vitro in dissociated neurons, where 6-OH–BDE-47 and another specific hydroxylated BDE metabolite similarly impaired phosphorylation of MEK/ERK1/2 and activity-induced transcription of a neuronal immediate early gene; and 3) in vivo in Drosophila melanogaster, where developmental exposures to 6-OH–BDE-47 and a MAPK inhibitor resulted in offspring displaying similarly increased frequency of mushroom-body β–lobe midline crossing, a metric of axonal guidance. Taken together, our results support that certain ortho-hydroxylated PBDE metabolites are promiscuous kinase inhibitors and can cause disruptions of critical neurodevelopmental processes, including neuronal electrical activity, pre-synaptic functions, MEK–ERK signaling, and axonal guidance.




ert

Artificial Intelligence Prediction and Counterterrorism

9 August 2019

The use of AI in counterterrorism is not inherently wrong, and this paper suggests some necessary conditions for legitimate use of AI as part of a predictive approach to counterterrorism on the part of liberal democratic states.

Kathleen McKendrick

British Army Officer, Former Visiting Research Fellow at Chatham House

2019-08-06-AICounterterrorism.jpg

Surveillance cameras manufactured by Hangzhou Hikvision Digital Technology Co. at a testing station near the company’s headquarters in Hangzhou, China. Photo: Getty Images

Summary

  • The use of predictive artificial intelligence (AI) in countering terrorism is often assumed to have a deleterious effect on human rights, generating spectres of ‘pre-crime’ punishment and surveillance states. However, the well-regulated use of new capabilities may enhance states’ abilities to protect citizens’ right to life, while at the same time improving adherence to principles intended to protect other human rights, such as transparency, proportionality and freedom from unfair discrimination. The same regulatory framework could also contribute to safeguarding against broader misuse of related technologies.
  • Most states focus on preventing terrorist attacks, rather than reacting to them. As such, prediction is already central to effective counterterrorism. AI allows higher volumes of data to be analysed, and may perceive patterns in those data that would, for reasons of both volume and dimensionality, otherwise be beyond the capacity of human interpretation. The impact of this is that traditional methods of investigation that work outwards from known suspects may be supplemented by methods that analyse the activity of a broad section of an entire population to identify previously unknown threats.
  • Developments in AI have amplified the ability to conduct surveillance without being constrained by resources. Facial recognition technology, for instance, may enable the complete automation of surveillance using CCTV in public places in the near future.
  • The current way predictive AI capabilities are used presents a number of interrelated problems from both a human rights and a practical perspective. Where limitations and regulations do exist, they may have the effect of curtailing the utility of approaches that apply AI, while not necessarily safeguarding human rights to an adequate extent.
  • The infringement of privacy associated with the automated analysis of certain types of public data is not wrong in principle, but the analysis must be conducted within a robust legal and policy framework that places sensible limitations on interventions based on its results.
  • In future, broader access to less intrusive aspects of public data, direct regulation of how those data are used – including oversight of activities by private-sector actors – and the imposition of technical as well as regulatory safeguards may improve both operational performance and compliance with human rights legislation. It is important that any such measures proceed in a manner that is sensitive to the impact on other rights such as freedom of expression, and freedom of association and assembly.




ert

Virtual Roundtable: Iraq in Uncertain Times

Invitation Only Research Event

30 March 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:30pm

Event participants

Toby Dodge, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House
Mac Skelton, Director, IRIS, American University of Iraq-Sulaimani
Ahmed Tabaqchali, Chief Investment Officer, AFC Iraq Fund
Hanaa Edwar, Co-founder and Chairperson, Iraqi Al-Amal Association
Chair: Renad Mansour, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House

The first months of 2020 have proven tumultuous for Iraq. The US killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in January threatened to engulf the region in war and led to continued tit-for-tat violence between the US and Iran that has become almost a daily reality in Baghdad.

Amid the ongoing protests that since last October have challenged the social contract and led to a violent response claiming 600 deaths and injuring tens of thousands, the government is still without a prime minister after Adil abd al-Mehdi's resignation in November 2019, leaving the country directionless.

Most recently, the spread of COVID-19 threatens to expose a mismanaged healthcare system. At the same time, the rapid fall in the price of oil has impacted the government's ability to respond to or cope with these crises.

At this virtual roundtable, part of the Chatham House Iraq Initiative, experts explore these developments and try to unpack the implications for Iraq’s fragile peace and stability.

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3624




ert

PARP-1-targeted Auger emitters display high-LET cytotoxic properties in vitro but show limited therapeutic utility in solid tumor models of human neuroblastoma

The currently available therapeutic radiopharmaceutical for high-risk neuroblastoma, 131I-MIBG, is ineffective at targeting micrometastases due to the low linear energy transfer (LET) properties of high-energy beta particles. In contrast, Auger radiation has high-LET properties with nanometer ranges in tissue, efficiently causing DNA damage when emitted in close proximity to DNA. The aim of this study was to evaluate the cytotoxicity of targeted Auger therapy in pre-clinical models of high-risk neuroblastoma. Methods: Using a radiolabeled poly(ADP-ribose) polymerase (PARP) inhibitor, 125I-KX1, we delivered an Auger emitter iodine-125 to PARP-1: a chromatin-binding enzyme overexpressed in neuroblastoma. In vitro cytotoxicity of 125I-KX1 was assessed in nineteen neuroblastoma cell lines, followed by in-depth pharmacological analysis in a sensitive and resistant pair of cell lines. Immunofluorescence microscopy was used to characterize 125I-KX1-induced DNA damage. Finally, in vitro/in vivo microdosimetry was modeled from experimentally derived pharmacological variables. Results: 125I-KX1 was highly cytotoxic in vitro across a panel of neuroblastoma cell lines, directly causing double strand DNA breaks. Based on subcellular dosimetry, 125I-KX1 was approximately twice as effective compared to 131I-KX1, whereas cytoplasmic 125I-MIBG demonstrated low biological effectiveness. Despite the ability to deliver focused radiation dose to the cell nuclei, 125I-KX1 remained less effective than its alpha-emitting analog 211At-MM4, and required significantly higher activity for equivalent in vivo efficacy based on tumor microdosimetry. Conclusion: Chromatin-targeted Auger therapy is lethal to high-risk neuroblastoma cells with potential use in micrometastatic disease. This study provides the first evidence for cellular lethality from a PARP-1 targeted Auger emitter, calling for further investigation into targeted Auger therapy.




ert

Demarcation of Sepsis-Induced Peripheral and Central Acidosis with pH-Low Insertion Cyclic (pHLIC) Peptide

Acidosis is a key driver for many diseases, including cancer, sepsis, and stroke. The spatiotemporal dynamics of dysregulated pH across disease remains elusive and current diagnostic strategies do not provide localization of pH alterations. We sought to explore if PET imaging using hydrophobic cyclic peptides that partition into the cellular membrane at low extracellular pH (denoted as "pHLIC") can permit accurate in vivo visualization of acidosis. Methods: Acid-sensitive cyclic peptide c[E4W5C] pHLIC was conjugated to bifunctional maleimide-NO2A and radiolabeled with copper-64 (t1/2 = 12.7 h). C57BL/6J mice were administered LPS (15 mg/kg) or saline (vehicle) and serially imaged with [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] over 24 h. Ex vivo autoradiography was performed on resected brain slices and subsequently stained with cresyl violet to enable high-resolution spatial analysis of tracer accumulation. A non- pH-sensitive cell-penetrating control peptide (c[R4W5C]) was used to confirm specificity of [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C]. CD11b (macrophage/microglia) and TMEM119 (microglia) immunostaining was performed to correlate extent of neuroinflammation with [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] PET signal. Results: [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] radiochemical yield and purity was >95% and >99% respectively, with molar activity >0.925 MBq/nmol. Significantly increased [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] uptake was observed in LPS-treated mice (vs. vehicle) within peripheral tissues including blood, lungs, liver, and small intestines (P < 0.001-0.05). Additionally, there was significantly increased [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] uptake in the brains of LPS-treated animals. Autoradiography confirmed increased uptake in the cerebellum, cortex, hippocampus, striatum, and hypothalamus of LPS-treated mice (vs. vehicle). Immunohistochemical (IHC) analysis revealed microglial/macrophage infiltrate, suggesting activation in brain regions containing increased tracer uptake. [64Cu]Cu-c[R4W5C] demonstrated significantly reduced uptake in the brain and periphery of LPS mice compared to the acid-mediated [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] tracer. Conclusion: Here, we demonstrate that a pH-sensitive PET tracer specifically detects acidosis in regions associated with sepsis-driven pro-inflammatory responses. This study suggests that [64Cu]Cu-pHLIC is a valuable tool to noninvasively assess acidosis associated with both central and peripheral innate immune activation.




ert

A Prospective, Comparative Study of Planar and Single-photon Emission Computed Tomography Ventilation/Perfusion Imaging for Chronic Thromboembolic Pulmonary Hypertension

Objectives: The study compared the diagnostic performance of Planar Ventilation/perfusion (V/Q) and V/Q Single-photon computed tomography (SPECT), and determined whether combining perfusion scanning with low-dose computed tomography (Q-LDCT) may be equally effective in a prospective study of patients with chronic thromboembolic pulmonary hypertension (CTEPH) patients. Background: V/Q scanning is recommended for excluding CTEPH during the diagnosis of pulmonary hypertension (PH). However, Planar V/Q and V/Q SPECT techniques have yet to be compared in patients with CTEPH. Methods: Patients with suspected PH were eligible for the study. PH attributable to left heart disease or lung disease was excluded, and patients whose PH was confirmed by right heart catheterization and who completed Planar V/Q, V/Q-SPECT, Q-LDCT, and pulmonary angiography were included. V/Q images were interpreted and patients were diagnosed as instructed by the 2009 EANM guidelines, and pulmonary angiography analyses were used as a reference standard. Results: A total of 208 patients completed the study, including 69 with CTEPH confirmed by pulmonary angiography. Planar V/Q, V/Q-SPECT, and Q-LDCT were all highly effective for diagnosing CTEPH, with no significant differences in sensitivity or specificity observed among the three techniques (Planar V/Q [sensitivity/specificity]: 94.20%/92.81%; V/Q-SPECT: 97.10%/91.37%, Q-LCDT: 95.65%/90.65%). However, V/Q-SPECT was significantly more sensitive (V/Q-SPECT: 79.21%; Planar V/Q: 75.84%, P = 0.012; Q-LDCT: 74.91%, p<0.001), and Planar V/Q was significantly more specific (Planar V/Q: 54.14%; V/Q-SPECT 46.05%, p<0.001; Q-LDCT: 46.05%, P = 0.001) than the other two techniques for identifying perfusion defects in individual lung segments. Conclusion: Both Planar V/Q and V/Q-SPECT were highly effective for diagnosing CTEPH, and Q-LDCT may be a reliable alternative method for patients who are unsuitable for ventilation imaging.




ert

Unexplained Hyperthyroglobulinemia in Differentiated Thyroid Cancer Patients Indicates Radioiodine Adjuvant Therapy: A Prospective Multicenter Study

Background: The management for totally thyroidectomized differentiated thyroid cancer (TT-DTC) patients with unexplained hyperthyroglobulinemia remains indeterminate due to evidence scarcity. This multicenter study aimed at prospectively evaluating the response to radioiodine (131I) adjuvant therapy (RAT) and its potential role in risk stratification and causal clarification. Methods: TT-DTC patients with stimulated serum thyroglobulin (Tgoff) levels > 10 ng/mL but no structurally evident disease were consecutively enrolled in five tertiary care institutions. After the administration of 5.55 GBq of 131I, the risk of presence of persistent/recurrent/metastatic DTC (prmDTC) was compared to that before RAT. The causes of hyperthyroglobulinemia were explored and the response to RAT was assessed 6-12 months post RAT. The change in suppressed thyroglobulin (Tgon) level was reported. Results: A cohort of 254 subjects with a median Tgoff of 27.1 ng/mL was enrolled for the analyses. Immediately after RAT, low-, intermediate-, and high-risk were identified in 5.9%, 88.6%, and 5.5% patients, respectively, with no significant difference in risk stratification compared with that before RAT (P = 0.952). During the follow-up (median, 10.6 months), hyperthyroglobulinemia was ultimately attributed to thyroid remnant, biochemical disease, and structural/functional disease in 17.3%, 54.3%, and 28.3% of subjects, respectively. In addition, excellent, indeterminate, biochemical incomplete, and structural/functional incomplete responses were achieved in 18.1%, 27.2%, 36.2%, and 18.5% of patients, respectively. Notably, distribution for either cause of hyperthyroglobulinemia or response to RAT was comparable among the three postoperative risk groups. Tgon levels in patients who merely received RAT declined significantly over time. Conclusion: Our study demonstrated that over 90% of TT-DTC patients with unexplained hyperthyroglobulinemia are stratified as intermediate-high risk, and RAT using 5.55 GBq of 131I reveals biochemical/functional/structural disease and yields non-structural/functional incomplete response in more than 80% patients, suggesting TT-DTC patients with unexplained hyperthyroglobulinemia as explicit candidates for RAT.




ert

Freedom in the World 2020: Political Rights and Civil Liberties in Africa

Research Event

5 March 2020 - 3:30pm to 4:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Jon Temin, Director, Africa Programs, Freedom House
Chair: Rachael Jolley, Editor-in-chief, Index on Censorship 

Freedom House’s annual report,  Freedom in the World, assesses the condition of political rights and civil liberties around the world. Its next report, to be published on 4 March, will examine trends and changes since its previous assessment which found that political rights and civil liberties have declined globally over 13 consecutive years. This event will launch the Africa findings of its forthcoming report, highlighting positive and negative changes, and why different regions are diverging.

Jon Temin, Director of Africa Programs at Freedom House, will examine trends in political freedoms in Africa in the global context, discussing the causes and potential consequences of the shifts being seen, and what needs to be done to protect positive shifts and prevent further decline elsewhere.

Please note that this event is at capacity and registration is now closed. 

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




ert

Deep Characterization of the Human Antibody Response to Natural Infection Using Longitudinal Immune Repertoire Sequencing [Research]

Human antibody response studies are largely restricted to periods of high immune activity (e.g. vaccination). To comprehensively understand the healthy B cell immune repertoire and how this changes over time and through natural infection, we conducted immune repertoire RNA sequencing on flow cytometry-sorted B cell subsets to profile a single individual's antibodies over 11 months through two periods of natural viral infection. We found that 1) a baseline of healthy variable (V) gene usage in antibodies exists and is stable over time, but antibodies in memory cells consistently have a different usage profile relative to earlier B cell stages; 2) a single complementarity-determining region 3 (CDR3) is potentially generated from more than one VJ gene combination; and 3) IgG and IgA antibody transcripts are found at low levels in early human B cell development, suggesting that class switching may occur earlier than previously realized. These findings provide insight into immune repertoire stability, response to natural infections, and human B cell development.




ert

Interaction Proteomics Identifies ERbeta Association with Chromatin Repressive Complexes to Inhibit Cholesterol Biosynthesis and Exert An Oncosuppressive Role in Triple-negative Breast Cancer [Research]

Triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) is characterized by poor response to therapy and low overall patient survival. Recently, Estrogen Receptor beta (ERβ) has been found to be expressed in a fraction of TNBCs where, because of its oncosuppressive actions on the genome, it represents a potential therapeutic target, provided a better understanding of its actions in these tumors becomes available. To this end, the cell lines Hs 578T, MDA-MB-468 and HCC1806, representing the claudin-low, basal-like 1 and 2 TNBC molecular subtypes respectively, were engineered to express ERβ under the control of a Tetracycline-inducible promoter and used to investigate the effects of this transcription factor on gene activity. The antiproliferative effects of ERβ in these cells were confirmed by multiple functional approaches, including transcriptome profiling and global mapping of receptor binding sites in the genome, that revealed direct negative regulation by ERβ of genes, encoding for key components of cellular pathways associated to TNBC aggressiveness representing novel therapeutic targets such as angiogenesis, invasion, metastasis and cholesterol biosynthesis. Supporting these results, interaction proteomics by immunoprecipitation coupled to nano LC-MS/MS mass spectrometry revealed ERβ association with several potential nuclear protein partners, including key components of regulatory complexes known to control chromatin remodeling, transcriptional and post-transcriptional gene regulation and RNA splicing. Among these, ERβ association with the Polycomb Repressor Complexes 1 and 2 (PRC1/2), known for their central role in gene regulation in cancer cells, was confirmed in all three TNBC subtypes investigated, suggesting its occurrence independently from the cellular context. These results demonstrate a significant impact of ERβ in TNBC genome activity mediated by its cooperation with regulatory multiprotein chromatin remodeling complexes, providing novel ground to devise new strategies for the treatment of these diseases based on ligands affecting the activity of this nuclear receptor or some of its protein partners.




ert

The Challenge of Classifying Metastatic Cell Properties by Molecular Profiling Exemplified with Cutaneous Melanoma Cells and Their Cerebral Metastasis from Patient Derived Mouse Xenografts [Research]

The prediction of metastatic properties from molecular analyses still poses a major challenge. Here we aimed at the classification of metastasis-related cell properties by proteome profiling making use of cutaneous and brain-metastasizing variants from single melanomas sharing the same genetic ancestry. Previous experiments demonstrated that cultured cells derived from these xenografted variants maintain a stable phenotype associated with a differential metastatic behavior: The brain metastasizing variants produce more spontaneous micro-metastases than the corresponding cutaneous variants. Four corresponding pairs of cutaneous and metastatic cells were obtained from four individual patients, resulting in eight cell-lines presently investigated. Label free proteome profiling revealed significant differences between corresponding pairs of cutaneous and cerebellar metastases from the same patient. Indeed, each brain metastasizing variant expressed several apparently metastasis-associated proteomic alterations as compared with the corresponding cutaneous variant. Among the differentially expressed proteins we identified cell adhesion molecules, immune regulators, epithelial to mesenchymal transition markers, stem cell markers, redox regulators and cytokines. Similar results were observed regarding eicosanoids, considered relevant for metastasis, such as PGE2 and 12-HETE. Multiparametric morphological analysis of cells also revealed no characteristic alterations associated with the cutaneous and brain metastasis variants. However, no correct classification regarding metastatic potential was yet possible with the present data. We thus concluded that molecular profiling is able to classify cells according to known functional categories but is not yet able to predict relevant cell properties emerging from networks consisting of many interconnected molecules. The presently observed broad diversity of molecular patterns, irrespective of restricting to one tumor type and two main classes of metastasis, highlights the important need to develop meta-analysis strategies to predict cell properties from molecular profiling data. Such base knowledge will greatly support future individualized precision medicine approaches.




ert

Perturbation of phosphoglycerate kinase 1 (PGK1) only marginally affects glycolysis in cancer cells [Metabolism]

Phosphoglycerate kinase 1 (PGK1) plays important roles in glycolysis, yet its forward reaction kinetics are unknown, and its role especially in regulating cancer cell glycolysis is unclear. Here, we developed an enzyme assay to measure the kinetic parameters of the PGK1-catalyzed forward reaction. The Km values for 1,3-bisphosphoglyceric acid (1,3-BPG, the forward reaction substrate) were 4.36 μm (yeast PGK1) and 6.86 μm (human PKG1). The Km values for 3-phosphoglycerate (3-PG, the reverse reaction substrate and a serine precursor) were 146 μm (yeast PGK1) and 186 μm (human PGK1). The Vmax of the forward reaction was about 3.5- and 5.8-fold higher than that of the reverse reaction for the human and yeast enzymes, respectively. Consistently, the intracellular steady-state concentrations of 3-PG were between 180 and 550 μm in cancer cells, providing a basis for glycolysis to shuttle 3-PG to the serine synthesis pathway. Using siRNA-mediated PGK1-specific knockdown in five cancer cell lines derived from different tissues, along with titration of PGK1 in a cell-free glycolysis system, we found that the perturbation of PGK1 had no effect or only marginal effects on the glucose consumption and lactate generation. The PGK1 knockdown increased the concentrations of fructose 1,6-bisphosphate, dihydroxyacetone phosphate, glyceraldehyde 3-phosphate, and 1,3-BPG in nearly equal proportions, controlled by the kinetic and thermodynamic states of glycolysis. We conclude that perturbation of PGK1 in cancer cells insignificantly affects the conversion of glucose to lactate in glycolysis.




ert

Sydney start-up Suppertime acquired by food delivery giant

Australian premium restaurant delivery service Suppertime has been snapped by a major international company, as the local food delivery market continues to heat up.




ert

Cyber security expert issues dire warning over vulnerability of key infrastructure

Data theft and cybercrime is a major source of funding for Islamic State which is likely to have secretly planted insiders "around the world" in positions where critical data could be extracted and exploited, a leading cyber security expert has warned.




ert

Governments should hack less, deliver better online services: Harvard IT expert

Western governments have established the international norm of online hacking and should not be surprised when foreign governments do the same.




ert

Privacy Commissioner&#8217;s small budget to make policing new data breach laws difficult, experts say

New laws that mandate companies notify individuals about data breaches add to Privacy Commissioner's already-stacked caseload, but do not come with new funding.




ert

Skin barrier lipid enzyme activity in Netherton patients is associated with protease activity and ceramide abnormalities

Jeroen van Smeden
Apr 7, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000639v1-jlr.RA120000639
Research Articles




ert

Skin barrier lipid enzyme activity in Netherton patients is associated with protease activity and ceramide abnormalities [Research Articles]

Individuals with Netherton syndrome (NTS) have increased serine protease activity, which strongly impacts the barrier function of the skin epidermis and leads to skin inflammation. Here, we investigated how serine protease activity in NTS correlates with changes in the stratum corneum ceramides, which are crucial components of the skin barrier. We examined two key enzymes involved in epidermal ceramide biosynthesis, glucocerebrosidase (GBA) and acid-sphingomyelinase (ASM). We compared in situ expression levels and activities of GBA and ASM between NTS patients and controls and correlated the expression and activities with i) stratum corneum ceramide profiles, ii) in situ serine protease activity, and iii) clinical presentation of patients. Using activity-based probe labeling, we visualized and localized active, epidermal GBA, and a newly developed in situ zymography method enabled us to visualize and localize active ASM. Reduction in active GBA in NTS patients coincided with increased ASM activity, particularly in areas with increased serine protease activity. NTS patients with scaly erythroderma exhibited more pronounced anomalies in GBA and ASM activities than patients with ichthyosis linearis circumflexa. They also displayed a stronger increase in stratum corneum ceramides processed via ASM. We conclude that changes in the localization of active GBA and ASM correlate with i) altered stratum corneum ceramide composition in NTS patients, ii) local serine protease activity, and iii) the clinical manifestation of NTS. 




ert

Russia’s Uncertain Regime Transformation

11 March 2020

Professor Nikolai Petrov

Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House

Dr Ben Noble

Lecturer in Russian Politics, University College London; Senior Research Fellow, HSE, Moscow
Despite the drama, Vladimir Putin’s announcement endorsing a constitutional change allowing him to remain president from 2024 does surprisingly little to change the status quo.

2020-03-11-Putin-Constitution.jpg

Russian President Vladimir Putin addresses lawmakers debating on the second reading of the constitutional reform bill during a session of the State Duma, Russia's lower house of parliament March 10, 2020. Photo by ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP via Getty Images.

With Putin’s current term as head of state due to run out in 2024, the question everybody has been asking is what he will do to remain in power. The Russian president’s recent speech, made in person in the State Duma during the second reading of his own constitutional reform bill, has been interpreted by many as a clear answer. Summaries such as “Putin forever” and “perpetual Putin” abound. But the reality is not so clear.

Putin has not committed to standing for re-election in 2024, never mind staying in power until 2036, when two additional six-year terms from 2024 would run out. What he has done is provide the constitutional grounds to retain power as president. It creates a highly credible option without committing him to it.

And the uncertainty matters. Because as long as members of the elite are unsure whether Putin will take up the option to remain president, they are kept in check.

Broader constitutional reform

With the flurry of interest around Putin’s announcement, we should not lose sight of his moves to further strengthen the presidency. As part of the broader constitutional reform package, Russia’s existing “super-presidency” will gain additional powers, such as the authority to fire top-tier judges and to block legislation when the legislature has overridden a presidential veto (in other words, a “super-veto”).

The proposals also put the autonomy of local self-government at risk, with Moscow and regional executives gaining the constitutional power to hire and fire officials who are not even technically part of the state. And the president now has a formalised role as “general leader” of the government. Putin is creating the “Great Presidency”.

However, the majority of constitutional changes do not relate to the presidency – they have different purposes. Firstly, to revitalise support for the regime which took a hit following unpopular pension reforms in 2018. Secondly, to distract or appease those worried by Putin remaining in a strengthened presidency. And perhaps most significantly, to boost turnout in the nationwide vote on reforms.

This desire to re-energise popular support becomes apparent as the changes – some of which will have to be inserted rather awkwardly into the constitution’s structure – focus on three elements aimed squarely at improving the regime’s appeal: increased material support from the state for citizens, including indexing state pensions; an emphasis on “traditional values”, including a declaration that marriage can only be a union between a man and a woman; and increased Russian sovereignty, including a “nationalisation” of the elite, with a constitutional ban on top-level officials having bank accounts abroad. 

Constitutional reform is, moreover, the most visible part of a broader political transformation already underway, including a major propaganda drive. Putin has promised a significant increase in resources for its “maternity capital” programme, putting more money in the pockets of young Russian families.

And he has instructed Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin’s government to focus on delivering his “national projects” – goals aimed at improving Russians’ lives across a range of areas, from infrastructure to education and healthcare.

Taking advantage of several imminent historical milestones is also on the cards. It has been reported Putin will sign the constitutional reform bill on March 18 – the anniversary of Russia’s annexation of Crimea. And May 9 is the 75th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War (the Russian term for the Second World War), with foreign dignitaries invited to attend events in Moscow.

Putin has also been filling the airwaves with a high-production-values series called “20 Questions for Vladimir Putin”, as well as holding public meetings with citizens in provinces such as Cherepovets and Ivanovo. There is a clear aim to demonstrate the president is not only still in control, but also concerned with the well-being of everyday Russians.

With parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2021 the Kremlin knows that, to maintain its control of a super-majority of seats in the State Duma, its ratings-raising drive has to work – even if it does always have the option of using manifestly authoritarian methods for realising desired election results. A proposal to call early State Duma elections was made during the second reading of Putin’s reform bill, but was quickly withdrawn after Putin spoke out against the idea.

Russia’s complex architecture of “power”

Throughout this transformation, maintaining control of the elite – particularly of the siloviki – is key for Putin. A reshuffling and removal of senior officials in the Procuracy has seen Yury Chaika replaced as general prosecutor by Ivan Krasnov, previously a deputy chair of the Investigative Committee, which is widely seen as a rival structure in Russia’s complex architecture of “power” bodies.

When considered alongside the constitutional changes giving the president broader powers in appointing regional prosecutors, this is textbook “divide and rule”. Power balancing is also on display with the Security Council, as the job description for Dmitry Medvedev’s new role as its deputy chair could provide fertile ground for clashes with the body’s secretary, Nikolai Patrushev.

Pitting rival patronal networks against each other means Putin can keep rivals in check within the broader structure of the “Great Presidency”, while staying firmly in control himself.

The prospect of Putin remaining president is unlikely to be popular. According to data from independent Russian polling agency the Levada Centre, only 27 per cent of Russians want Putin to stay in the post after 2024. This figure could, of course, change in either direction as the prospect becomes more real for Russians. But if Putin’s announcement galvanises mass opposition, the authorities may well use responses to the COVID-19 outbreak to keep protesters at bay – something already on display in Moscow.

What this all means for Russia is that, despite the drama, considerable uncertainty remains following Putin’s announcement. What we can say for certain, however, is that it dashes hopes of serious political change any time soon.




ert

Interpretation of data underlying the link between CCD and an invertebrate iridescent virus [Invited]

No abstract




ert

Russia’s Uncertain Regime Transformation

11 March 2020

Professor Nikolai Petrov

Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House

Dr Ben Noble

Lecturer in Russian Politics, University College London; Senior Research Fellow, HSE, Moscow
Despite the drama, Vladimir Putin’s announcement endorsing a constitutional change allowing him to remain president from 2024 does surprisingly little to change the status quo.

2020-03-11-Putin-Constitution.jpg

Russian President Vladimir Putin addresses lawmakers debating on the second reading of the constitutional reform bill during a session of the State Duma, Russia's lower house of parliament March 10, 2020. Photo by ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP via Getty Images.

With Putin’s current term as head of state due to run out in 2024, the question everybody has been asking is what he will do to remain in power. The Russian president’s recent speech, made in person in the State Duma during the second reading of his own constitutional reform bill, has been interpreted by many as a clear answer. Summaries such as “Putin forever” and “perpetual Putin” abound. But the reality is not so clear.

Putin has not committed to standing for re-election in 2024, never mind staying in power until 2036, when two additional six-year terms from 2024 would run out. What he has done is provide the constitutional grounds to retain power as president. It creates a highly credible option without committing him to it.

And the uncertainty matters. Because as long as members of the elite are unsure whether Putin will take up the option to remain president, they are kept in check.

Broader constitutional reform

With the flurry of interest around Putin’s announcement, we should not lose sight of his moves to further strengthen the presidency. As part of the broader constitutional reform package, Russia’s existing “super-presidency” will gain additional powers, such as the authority to fire top-tier judges and to block legislation when the legislature has overridden a presidential veto (in other words, a “super-veto”).

The proposals also put the autonomy of local self-government at risk, with Moscow and regional executives gaining the constitutional power to hire and fire officials who are not even technically part of the state. And the president now has a formalised role as “general leader” of the government. Putin is creating the “Great Presidency”.

However, the majority of constitutional changes do not relate to the presidency – they have different purposes. Firstly, to revitalise support for the regime which took a hit following unpopular pension reforms in 2018. Secondly, to distract or appease those worried by Putin remaining in a strengthened presidency. And perhaps most significantly, to boost turnout in the nationwide vote on reforms.

This desire to re-energise popular support becomes apparent as the changes – some of which will have to be inserted rather awkwardly into the constitution’s structure – focus on three elements aimed squarely at improving the regime’s appeal: increased material support from the state for citizens, including indexing state pensions; an emphasis on “traditional values”, including a declaration that marriage can only be a union between a man and a woman; and increased Russian sovereignty, including a “nationalisation” of the elite, with a constitutional ban on top-level officials having bank accounts abroad. 

Constitutional reform is, moreover, the most visible part of a broader political transformation already underway, including a major propaganda drive. Putin has promised a significant increase in resources for its “maternity capital” programme, putting more money in the pockets of young Russian families.

And he has instructed Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin’s government to focus on delivering his “national projects” – goals aimed at improving Russians’ lives across a range of areas, from infrastructure to education and healthcare.

Taking advantage of several imminent historical milestones is also on the cards. It has been reported Putin will sign the constitutional reform bill on March 18 – the anniversary of Russia’s annexation of Crimea. And May 9 is the 75th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War (the Russian term for the Second World War), with foreign dignitaries invited to attend events in Moscow.

Putin has also been filling the airwaves with a high-production-values series called “20 Questions for Vladimir Putin”, as well as holding public meetings with citizens in provinces such as Cherepovets and Ivanovo. There is a clear aim to demonstrate the president is not only still in control, but also concerned with the well-being of everyday Russians.

With parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2021 the Kremlin knows that, to maintain its control of a super-majority of seats in the State Duma, its ratings-raising drive has to work – even if it does always have the option of using manifestly authoritarian methods for realising desired election results. A proposal to call early State Duma elections was made during the second reading of Putin’s reform bill, but was quickly withdrawn after Putin spoke out against the idea.

Russia’s complex architecture of “power”

Throughout this transformation, maintaining control of the elite – particularly of the siloviki – is key for Putin. A reshuffling and removal of senior officials in the Procuracy has seen Yury Chaika replaced as general prosecutor by Ivan Krasnov, previously a deputy chair of the Investigative Committee, which is widely seen as a rival structure in Russia’s complex architecture of “power” bodies.

When considered alongside the constitutional changes giving the president broader powers in appointing regional prosecutors, this is textbook “divide and rule”. Power balancing is also on display with the Security Council, as the job description for Dmitry Medvedev’s new role as its deputy chair could provide fertile ground for clashes with the body’s secretary, Nikolai Patrushev.

Pitting rival patronal networks against each other means Putin can keep rivals in check within the broader structure of the “Great Presidency”, while staying firmly in control himself.

The prospect of Putin remaining president is unlikely to be popular. According to data from independent Russian polling agency the Levada Centre, only 27 per cent of Russians want Putin to stay in the post after 2024. This figure could, of course, change in either direction as the prospect becomes more real for Russians. But if Putin’s announcement galvanises mass opposition, the authorities may well use responses to the COVID-19 outbreak to keep protesters at bay – something already on display in Moscow.

What this all means for Russia is that, despite the drama, considerable uncertainty remains following Putin’s announcement. What we can say for certain, however, is that it dashes hopes of serious political change any time soon.




ert

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65852: The PANEL procedure produces incorrect results for certain models when the NOINT and RANONE options are specified

The estimation results might be incorrect in PROC PANEL when the RANONE and NOINT options are specified in the MODEL statement.




ert

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65834: PROC METADATA returns various errors when the input contains certain multi-byte characters

The METADATA procedure might return an error similar to one of the following:

  • ERROR: Missing root element definition.
  • Full Article


  • ert

    Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65914: You see the error "Driver does not support this optional feature" after trying to insert or append data to a Databricks table

    You can create create a Databricks table by using PROC SQL, but you cannot insert data into the table. PROC APPEND cannot create a new table or append data to an existing table.




    ert

    Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65574: Decimal values are rounded after they are inserted into a new Databricks table via SAS/ACCESS Interface to JDBC

    A DATA step and PROC SQL can round numeric values while creating and loading data into a new Databricks table via JDBC.




    ert

    Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65898: A misleading SASTRACE message appears in the log when you insert a row into an Oracle table using SAS/ACCESS Interface to Oracle with DBIDIRECTEXEC

    When you add one row to an Oracle table using DBIDIRECTEXEC, you see the following misleading trace message: "ORACLE: 4294967296 rows inserted/updated/deleted." You should see something similar to the following: "ORACLE: 1 rows inserte




    ert

    Revisiting Proinsulin Processing: Evidence That Human {beta}-Cells Process Proinsulin With Prohormone Convertase (PC) 1/3 But Not PC2

    Insulin is first produced in pancreatic β-cells as the precursor prohormone proinsulin. Defective proinsulin processing has been implicated in the pathogenesis of both type 1 and type 2 diabetes. Though there is substantial evidence that mouse β-cells process proinsulin using prohormone convertase 1/3 (PC1/3) then prohormone convertase 2 (PC2), this finding has not been verified in human β-cells. Immunofluorescence with validated antibodies reveals that there was no detectable PC2 immunoreactivity in human β-cells and little PCSK2 mRNA by in situ hybridization. Similarly, rat β-cells were not immunoreactive for PC2. In all histological experiments, PC2 immunoreactivity in neighbouring α-cells acts as a positive control. In donors with type 2 diabetes, β-cells had elevated PC2 immunoreactivity, suggesting that aberrant PC2 expression may contribute to impaired proinsulin processing in β-cells of patients with diabetes. To support histological findings using a biochemical approach, human islets were used for pulse-chase experiments. Despite inhibition of PC2 function by temperature blockade, brefeldin-A, chloroquine, and multiple inhibitors that blocked production of mature glucagon from proglucagon, β-cells retained the ability to produce mature insulin. Conversely, suppression of PC1/3 blocked processing of proinsulin but not proglucagon. By demonstrating that healthy human β-cells process proinsulin by PC1/3 but not PC2 we suggest that there is a need to revise the longstanding theory of proinsulin processing.




    ert

    Certain ortho-hydroxylated brominated ethers are promiscuous kinase inhibitors that impair neuronal signaling and neurodevelopmental processes [Cell Biology]

    The developing nervous system is remarkably sensitive to environmental signals, including disruptive toxins, such as polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs). PBDEs are an environmentally pervasive class of brominated flame retardants whose neurodevelopmental toxicity mechanisms remain largely unclear. Using dissociated cortical neurons from embryonic Rattus norvegicus, we found here that chronic exposure to 6-OH–BDE-47, one of the most prevalent hydroxylated PBDE metabolites, suppresses both spontaneous and evoked neuronal electrical activity. On the basis of our previous work on mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK)/extracellular signal-related kinase (ERK) (MEK) biology and our observation that 6-OH–BDE-47 is structurally similar to kinase inhibitors, we hypothesized that certain hydroxylated PBDEs mediate neurotoxicity, at least in part, by impairing the MEK–ERK axis of MAPK signal transduction. We tested this hypothesis on three experimental platforms: 1) in silico, where modeling ligand–protein docking suggested that 6-OH–BDE-47 is a promiscuous ATP-competitive kinase inhibitor; 2) in vitro in dissociated neurons, where 6-OH–BDE-47 and another specific hydroxylated BDE metabolite similarly impaired phosphorylation of MEK/ERK1/2 and activity-induced transcription of a neuronal immediate early gene; and 3) in vivo in Drosophila melanogaster, where developmental exposures to 6-OH–BDE-47 and a MAPK inhibitor resulted in offspring displaying similarly increased frequency of mushroom-body β–lobe midline crossing, a metric of axonal guidance. Taken together, our results support that certain ortho-hydroxylated PBDE metabolites are promiscuous kinase inhibitors and can cause disruptions of critical neurodevelopmental processes, including neuronal electrical activity, pre-synaptic functions, MEK–ERK signaling, and axonal guidance.




    ert

    Inhibition of glycosphingolipid biosynthesis reverts multidrug resistance by differentially modulating ABC transporters in chronic myeloid leukemias [Cell Biology]

    Multidrug resistance (MDR) in cancer arises from cross-resistance to structurally- and functionally-divergent chemotherapeutic drugs. In particular, MDR is characterized by increased expression and activity of ATP-binding cassette (ABC) superfamily transporters. Sphingolipids are substrates of ABC proteins in cell signaling, membrane biosynthesis, and inflammation, for example, and their products can favor cancer progression. Glucosylceramide (GlcCer) is a ubiquitous glycosphingolipid (GSL) generated by glucosylceramide synthase, a key regulatory enzyme encoded by the UDP-glucose ceramide glucosyltransferase (UGCG) gene. Stressed cells increase de novo biosynthesis of ceramides, which return to sub-toxic levels after UGCG mediates incorporation into GlcCer. Given that cancer cells seem to mobilize UGCG and have increased GSL content for ceramide clearance, which ultimately contributes to chemotherapy failure, here we investigated how inhibition of GSL biosynthesis affects the MDR phenotype of chronic myeloid leukemias. We found that MDR is associated with higher UGCG expression and with a complex GSL profile. UGCG inhibition with the ceramide analog d-threo-1-(3,4,-ethylenedioxy)phenyl-2-palmitoylamino-3-pyrrolidino-1-propanol (EtDO-P4) greatly reduced GSL and monosialotetrahexosylganglioside levels, and co-treatment with standard chemotherapeutics sensitized cells to mitochondrial membrane potential loss and apoptosis. ABC subfamily B member 1 (ABCB1) expression was reduced, and ABCC-mediated efflux activity was modulated by competition with nonglycosylated ceramides. Consistently, inhibition of ABCC-mediated transport reduced the efflux of exogenous C6-ceramide. Overall, UGCG inhibition impaired the malignant glycophenotype of MDR leukemias, which typically overcomes drug resistance through distinct mechanisms. This work sheds light on the involvement of GSL in chemotherapy failure, and its findings suggest that targeted GSL modulation could help manage MDR leukemias.




    ert

    Poverty and Obesity in the U.S.

    James A. Levine
    Nov 1, 2011; 60:2667-2668
    Editorials




    ert

    Diabetes Core Update: Therapeutic Inertia – April 2020

    In this first episode of a three-part series on “Disrupting Therapeutic Inertia in Diabetes Management,” Drs. John Russell and Neil Skolnik examine a case study of a 55-year-old man with type 2 diabetes (3 years duration, A1C 8.2%). In so doing, they review six articles that define achievement gaps in reaching A1C goals and the reasons for why those gaps exist. In episodes 2 and 3 of this series, Drs. Russell and Skolnik we will look at additional causes of therapeutic inertia and solutions for overcoming it. This special three-part series on therapeutic inertia is supported by independent educational grant from Sanofi (https://www.sanofi.com).

    This issue will review:

    1. Achievement of target therapeutic goals in persons with T2DM
    2. Achievement of therapeutic goals from 2005 – 2015
    3. Clinical Inertia in Newly Diagnosed Type 2 DM
    4. Clinical Inertia over Time in Type 2 DM
    5. Gap Between Efficacy in Randomized Controlled Trials and Effectiveness in Real-World Use
    6. Difference between Clinical Trial and Real-World Studies Achievement of Target A1C <7.0% in Patients Treated with Basal Insulin in RCTs and Clinical Practice

    For more information about each of ADA’s science and medical journals, please visit www.diabetesjournals.org.

    Presented by:

    Neil Skolnik, M.D., Professor of Family and Community Medicine, Sidney Kimmel Medical College, Thomas Jefferson University; Associate Director, Family Medicine Residency Program, Abington Jefferson Health

    John J. Russell, M.D., Professor of Family and Community Medicine, Sidney Kimmel Medical College, Thomas Jefferson University; Director, Family Medicine Residency Program, Chair-Department of Family Medicine, Abington Jefferson Health




    ert

    Covid-19: UK advisory panel members are revealed after experts set up new group




    ert

    Covid-19: UK death toll overtakes Italy’s to become worst in Europe




    ert

    Russia’s Uncertain Regime Transformation

    11 March 2020

    Professor Nikolai Petrov

    Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House

    Dr Ben Noble

    Lecturer in Russian Politics, University College London; Senior Research Fellow, HSE, Moscow
    Despite the drama, Vladimir Putin’s announcement endorsing a constitutional change allowing him to remain president from 2024 does surprisingly little to change the status quo.

    2020-03-11-Putin-Constitution.jpg

    Russian President Vladimir Putin addresses lawmakers debating on the second reading of the constitutional reform bill during a session of the State Duma, Russia's lower house of parliament March 10, 2020. Photo by ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP via Getty Images.

    With Putin’s current term as head of state due to run out in 2024, the question everybody has been asking is what he will do to remain in power. The Russian president’s recent speech, made in person in the State Duma during the second reading of his own constitutional reform bill, has been interpreted by many as a clear answer. Summaries such as “Putin forever” and “perpetual Putin” abound. But the reality is not so clear.

    Putin has not committed to standing for re-election in 2024, never mind staying in power until 2036, when two additional six-year terms from 2024 would run out. What he has done is provide the constitutional grounds to retain power as president. It creates a highly credible option without committing him to it.

    And the uncertainty matters. Because as long as members of the elite are unsure whether Putin will take up the option to remain president, they are kept in check.

    Broader constitutional reform

    With the flurry of interest around Putin’s announcement, we should not lose sight of his moves to further strengthen the presidency. As part of the broader constitutional reform package, Russia’s existing “super-presidency” will gain additional powers, such as the authority to fire top-tier judges and to block legislation when the legislature has overridden a presidential veto (in other words, a “super-veto”).

    The proposals also put the autonomy of local self-government at risk, with Moscow and regional executives gaining the constitutional power to hire and fire officials who are not even technically part of the state. And the president now has a formalised role as “general leader” of the government. Putin is creating the “Great Presidency”.

    However, the majority of constitutional changes do not relate to the presidency – they have different purposes. Firstly, to revitalise support for the regime which took a hit following unpopular pension reforms in 2018. Secondly, to distract or appease those worried by Putin remaining in a strengthened presidency. And perhaps most significantly, to boost turnout in the nationwide vote on reforms.

    This desire to re-energise popular support becomes apparent as the changes – some of which will have to be inserted rather awkwardly into the constitution’s structure – focus on three elements aimed squarely at improving the regime’s appeal: increased material support from the state for citizens, including indexing state pensions; an emphasis on “traditional values”, including a declaration that marriage can only be a union between a man and a woman; and increased Russian sovereignty, including a “nationalisation” of the elite, with a constitutional ban on top-level officials having bank accounts abroad. 

    Constitutional reform is, moreover, the most visible part of a broader political transformation already underway, including a major propaganda drive. Putin has promised a significant increase in resources for its “maternity capital” programme, putting more money in the pockets of young Russian families.

    And he has instructed Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin’s government to focus on delivering his “national projects” – goals aimed at improving Russians’ lives across a range of areas, from infrastructure to education and healthcare.

    Taking advantage of several imminent historical milestones is also on the cards. It has been reported Putin will sign the constitutional reform bill on March 18 – the anniversary of Russia’s annexation of Crimea. And May 9 is the 75th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War (the Russian term for the Second World War), with foreign dignitaries invited to attend events in Moscow.

    Putin has also been filling the airwaves with a high-production-values series called “20 Questions for Vladimir Putin”, as well as holding public meetings with citizens in provinces such as Cherepovets and Ivanovo. There is a clear aim to demonstrate the president is not only still in control, but also concerned with the well-being of everyday Russians.

    With parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2021 the Kremlin knows that, to maintain its control of a super-majority of seats in the State Duma, its ratings-raising drive has to work – even if it does always have the option of using manifestly authoritarian methods for realising desired election results. A proposal to call early State Duma elections was made during the second reading of Putin’s reform bill, but was quickly withdrawn after Putin spoke out against the idea.

    Russia’s complex architecture of “power”

    Throughout this transformation, maintaining control of the elite – particularly of the siloviki – is key for Putin. A reshuffling and removal of senior officials in the Procuracy has seen Yury Chaika replaced as general prosecutor by Ivan Krasnov, previously a deputy chair of the Investigative Committee, which is widely seen as a rival structure in Russia’s complex architecture of “power” bodies.

    When considered alongside the constitutional changes giving the president broader powers in appointing regional prosecutors, this is textbook “divide and rule”. Power balancing is also on display with the Security Council, as the job description for Dmitry Medvedev’s new role as its deputy chair could provide fertile ground for clashes with the body’s secretary, Nikolai Patrushev.

    Pitting rival patronal networks against each other means Putin can keep rivals in check within the broader structure of the “Great Presidency”, while staying firmly in control himself.

    The prospect of Putin remaining president is unlikely to be popular. According to data from independent Russian polling agency the Levada Centre, only 27 per cent of Russians want Putin to stay in the post after 2024. This figure could, of course, change in either direction as the prospect becomes more real for Russians. But if Putin’s announcement galvanises mass opposition, the authorities may well use responses to the COVID-19 outbreak to keep protesters at bay – something already on display in Moscow.

    What this all means for Russia is that, despite the drama, considerable uncertainty remains following Putin’s announcement. What we can say for certain, however, is that it dashes hopes of serious political change any time soon.




    ert

    Fossil Fuels Expert Roundtable: How Much Fossil Fuel Has to Stay in the Ground, and Where?

    Invitation Only Research Event

    17 March 2015 - 4:30pm to 6:00pm

    Chatham House, London

    Event participants

    Christophe McGlade, Research Associate, UCL Institute for Sustainable Resources
    Chair: Shane Tomlinson, Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources, Chatham House

     

    It has long been argued that if we are to limit the effects of climate change, some fossil fuel reserves must stay in the ground. But how much of each fuel; and which locations must remain untapped? A new study, recently published in Nature finds that a third of oil reserves, half of gas reserves and over 80 per cent of current coal reserves globally should remain in the ground and not be used before 2050 if global warming is to stay below the 2°C threshold. The speaker will discuss the methods used to generate these estimates, the key findings of the paper, and the implications that they may have in this milestone year for addressing climate change. 

    Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

    Owen Grafham

    Manager, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
    +44 (0)20 7957 5708




    ert

    Marvia Providence ‘Anointed’ for ministry - Offers ‘Bible pull up and come again’ entertainment to gospel audiences

    Just the mention of the name Marvia Providence sends a tingle to the toes and, immediately, feet start tapping and bodies begin swaying. Before you know it, all the ‘warriors’ – prayer and otherwise – are in full flight. That’s the effect of the...




    ert

    Kingston meets MoBay for Mother’s Day concert - ‘Enchanting Evening of Music’ planned

    Despite its best efforts, COVID-19 will not be allowed to steal the joy of Mother’s Day this year. An array of the island’s top singers and musicians have pledged to infuse the accustomed specialness into the day dedicated to mothers with a concert...




    ert

    Unexpected findings, with uncertain implications, in research imaging

    When healthy volunteers are scanned as part of a research project, unexpected findings, with uncertain implications, can be thrown up. Joanna Wardlaw, professor of applied neuroimaging and honorary consultant neuroradiologist at the University of Edinburgh, joins us to discuss how her group deals with these incidental findings, and what...




    ert

    Advertising junk food to children

    In the UK, junk food advertising is banned on children’s TV - but manufactures are still able to target children in other ways.  A recent report from the WHO  "Tackling food marketing to children in a digital world", takes a look at the issue. In this podcast we're joined by João Breda, programme manager for nutrition physical activity and...




    ert

    Talk Evidence - Radiation, fertility, and pneumonia

    Helen Macdonald and Carl Heneghan are back again talking about what's happened in the world of evidence this month. They start by talking about how difficult a task it is to find evidence that's definitely practice changing, what GPs can learn from Malawian children with nonsevere fast-breathing pneumonia, how radiation dosage varies...




    ert

    Fertility awareness based methods for pregnancy prevention

    Fertility awareness based methods of contraception are increasingly being used for pregnancy prevention. In the US, the proportion of contraceptive users who choose such methods has grown from 1% in 2008 to approximately 3% in 2014.  Relative to other methods of pregnancy prevention, however, substantial misinformation exists around fertility...




    ert

    Prevalence and treatment of precocious puberty

    Precocious puberty, that is puberty that starts before age 8 in girls and 9 in boys seems to be on the rise, but whether that’s because of an increase in incidence, or greater attention is unknown - what we do know that precocious puberty in girls is commonly idiopathic, while in boys is a red flag for pathology. But either way ther first point of...




    ert

    Talk Evidence Covid-19 update - Confused symptoms, fatality rate uncertainty, Iceland's testing

    For the next few months Talk Evidence is going to focus on the new corona virus pandemic. There is an enormous amount of uncertainty about the disease, what the symptoms are, fatality rate, treatment options, things we shouldn't be doing. We're going to try to get away from the headlines and talk about what we need to know - to hopefully give...




    ert

    Clinical and Molecular Prevalence of Lipodystrophy in an Unascertained Large Clinical Care Cohort

    Lipodystrophies are a group of disorders characterized by absence or loss of adipose tissue and abnormal fat distribution, commonly accompanied by metabolic dysregulation. Although considered rare disorders, their prevalence in the general population is not well understood. We aimed to evaluate the clinical and genetic prevalence of lipodystrophy disorders in a large clinical care cohort. We interrogated the electronic health record (EHR) information of >1.3 million adults from the Geisinger Health System for lipodystrophy diagnostic codes. We estimate a clinical prevalence of disease of 1 in 20,000 individuals. We performed genetic analyses in individuals with available genomic data to identify variants associated with inherited lipodystrophies and examined their EHR for comorbidities associated with lipodystrophy. We identified 16 individuals carrying the p.R482Q pathogenic variant in LMNA associated with Dunnigan familial partial lipodystrophy. Four had a clinical diagnosis of lipodystrophy, whereas the remaining had no documented clinical diagnosis despite having accompanying metabolic abnormalities. We observed a lipodystrophy-associated variant carrier frequency of 1 in 3,082 individuals in our cohort with substantial burden of metabolic dysregulation. We estimate a genetic prevalence of disease of ~1 in 7,000 in the general population. Partial lipodystrophy is an underdiagnosed condition. and its prevalence, as defined molecularly, is higher than previously reported. Genetically guided stratification of patients with common metabolic disorders, like diabetes and dyslipidemia, is an important step toward precision medicine.




    ert

    Diabetes technology: specialists are blocking access for some patients, say experts




    ert

    Partha Kar: Covid-19—we must keep faith in our experts




    ert

    Fossil Fuels Expert Roundtable: Managing Disputes and Arbitrations Involving the Extractive Sector in Africa

    Invitation Only Research Event

    30 September 2014 - 5:00pm to 6:30pm

    Chatham House, London

    Event participants

    Paula Hodges QC, Partner; Head, Global Arbitration Practice, Herbert Smith Freehills
    Stéphane Brabant, Partner; Chairman, Africa Practice Group, Herbert Smith Freehills

    Disputes between international companies and national governments commonly arise in the extractive industry where high expectations from producer countries often run alongside emotive issues of ‘ownership’ and ‘exploitation’. In 2013, Chatham House published the report Conflict and Coexistence in the Extractives Industries, examining the rising occurrence of long-running and expensive company-government disputes. Continuing the conversation, the speakers will share their personal insights regarding doing business in Africa's oil and gas sector and preparing for crisis situations. They will outline why they believe the effective management of any crisis is critical to achieving an early settlement and why arbitration is the best formal mechanism for resolving disputes in Africa. They will also discuss what the preconditions of success are, and how companies must adjust to new commercial and political realities when engaging with national companies. 

    Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

    Owen Grafham

    Manager, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
    +44 (0)20 7957 5708




    ert

    Fossil Fuel Expert Roundtable: Forecasting Forum 2017

    Invitation Only Research Event

    31 January 2017 - 2:00pm to 5:30pm

    Chatham House, London

    Presenting latest thinking from our senior research fellows on the dynamics that will affect fossil fuels investment and markets in the year ahead and promoting high-level discussion amongst experts.

    The first session examines the oil price market which faces great uncertainty in 2017 with the OPEC agreement in Algiers raising questions about  compliance, supply and impact on the industry's future. It will also assess how US production may alter given the new administration; the state of the nuclear agreement with Iran; and future events in the Middle East.

    The second session looks at what Brexit and the election of President Trump means for energy and climate policy in the UK and globally, investigating the major challenges, areas of contention, and areas of opportunity for the UK’s climate and energy policy in light of Brexit.

    The second speaker in this session will outline what the appointment of President Trump will mean for global energy and climate policy.

    Attendance at this event is by invitation only.