Lipoprotein (a) [Lp(a)] is characterized by an LDL-like composition in terms of lipids and apoB100, and by one copy of a unique glycoprotein, apo(a). The apo(a) structure is mainly based on the repetition of tandem kringle domains with high homology to plasminogen kringles 4 and 5. Among them, kringle IV type 2 (KIV-2) is present in a highly variable number of genetically encoded repeats, whose length is inversely related to Lp(a) plasma concentration and cardiovascular risk. Despite it being the major component of apo(a), the actual function of KIV-2 is still unclear. Here, we describe the first high-resolution crystallographic structure of this domain. It shows a general fold very similar to other KIV domains with high and intermediate affinity for the lysine analog, -aminocaproic acid. Interestingly, KIV-2 presents a lysine binding site (LBS) with a unique shape and charge distribution. KIV-2 affinity for predicted small molecule binders was found to be negligible in surface plasmon resonance experiments; and with the LBS being nonfunctional, we propose to rename it "pseudo-LBS". Further investigation of the protein by computational small-molecule docking allowed us to identify a possible heparin-binding site away from the LBS, which was confirmed by specific reverse charge mutations abolishing heparin binding. This study opens new possibilities to define the pathogenesis of Lp(a)-related diseases and to facilitate the design of specific therapeutic drugs.

HMG-CoA reductase (Hmgcr) is the rate-limiting enzyme in the mevalonate pathway and is inhibited by statins. In addition to cholesterol, Hmgcr activity is also required for synthesizing nonsterol isoprenoids, such as dolichol, ubiquinone, and farnesylated and geranylgeranylated proteins. Here, we investigated the effects of Hmgcr inhibition on nonsterol isoprenoids in the liver. We have generated new genetic models to acutely delete genes in the mevalonate pathway in the liver using AAV-mediated delivery of Cre-recombinase (AAV-Cre) or CRISPR/Cas9 (AAV-CRISPR). The genetic deletion of Hmgcr by AAV-Cre resulted in extensive hepatocyte apoptosis and compensatory liver regeneration. At the biochemical level, we observed decreased levels of sterols and depletion of the nonsterol isoprenoids, dolichol and ubiquinone. At the cellular level, Hmgcr-null hepatocytes showed ER stress and impaired N-glycosylation. We further hypothesized that the depletion of dolichol, essential for N-glycosylation, could be responsible for ER stress. Using AAV-CRISPR, we somatically disrupted dehydrodolichyl diphosphate synthase subunit (Dhdds), encoding a branch point enzyme required for dolichol biosynthesis. Dhdds-null livers showed ER stress and impaired N-glycosylation, along with apoptosis and regeneration. Finally, the combined deletion of Hmgcr and Dhdds synergistically exacerbated hepatocyte ER stress. Our data show a critical role for mevalonate-derived dolichol in the liver and suggest that dolichol depletion is at least partially responsible for ER stress and apoptosis upon potent Hmgcr inhibition.

Xanthophyllomyces dendrorhous is a basidiomycete yeast that produces carotenoids, mainly astaxanthin. Astaxanthin is an organic pigment of commercial interest due to its antioxidant and coloring properties. X. dendrorhous has a functional SREBP pathway, and the Sre1 protein is the SREBP homolog in this yeast. However, how sterol regulatory element (Sre)1 promotes the biosynthesis of sterols and carotenoids in X. dendrorhous is unknown. In this work, comparative RNA-sequencing analysis between modified X. dendrorhous strains that have an active Sre1 protein and the WT was performed to identify Sre1-dependent genes. In addition, Sre1 direct target genes were identified through ChIP combined with lambda exonuclease digestion (ChIP-exo) assays. SRE motifs were detected in the promoter regions of several Sre1 direct target genes and were consistent with the SREs described in other yeast species. Sre1 directly regulates genes related to ergosterol biosynthesis as well as genes related to the mevalonate (MVA) pathway, which synthesizes the building blocks of isoprenoids, including carotenoids. Two carotenogenic genes, crtE and crtR, were also identified as Sre1 direct target genes. Thus, carotenogenesis in X. dendrorhous is regulated by Sre1 through the regulation of the MVA pathway and the regulation of the crtE and crtR genes. As the crtR gene encodes a cytochrome P450 reductase, Sre1 regulates pathways that include cytochrome P450 enzymes, such as the biosynthesis of carotenoids and sterols. These results demonstrate that Sre1 is a sterol master regulator that is conserved in X. dendrorhous.

Porphyromonas gingivalis is a Gram-negative anaerobic periodontal microorganism strongly associated with tissue-destructive processes in human periodontitis. Following oral infection with P. gingivalis, the periodontal bone loss in mice is reported to require the engagement of Toll-like receptor 2 (TLR2). Serine-glycine lipodipeptide or glycine aminolipid classes of P. gingivalis engage human and mouse TLR2, but a novel lipid class reported here is considerably more potent in engaging TLR2 and the heterodimer receptor TLR2/TLR6. The novel lipid class, termed Lipid 1256, consists of a diacylated phosphoglycerol moiety linked to a serine-glycine lipodipeptide previously termed Lipid 654. Lipid 1256 is approximately 50-fold more potent in engaging TLR2 than the previously reported serine-glycine lipid classes. Lipid 1256 also stimulates cytokine secretory responses from peripheral blood monocytes and is recovered in selected oral and intestinal Bacteroidetes organisms. Therefore, these findings suggest that Lipid 1256 may be a microbial TLR2 ligand relevant to chronic periodontitis in humans.

NAFLD is an important public health issue closely associated with the pervasive epidemics of diabetes and obesity. Yet, despite NAFLD being among the most common of chronic liver diseases, the biological factors responsible for its transition from benign nonalcoholic fatty liver (NAFL) to NASH remain unclear. This lack of knowledge leads to a decreased ability to find relevant animal models, predict disease progression, or develop clinical treatments. In the current study, we used multiple mouse models of NAFLD, human correlation data, and selective gene overexpression of steroidogenic acute regulatory protein (StarD1) in mice to elucidate a plausible mechanistic pathway for promoting the transition from NAFL to NASH. We show that oxysterol 7α-hydroxylase (CYP7B1) controls the levels of intracellular regulatory oxysterols generated by the "acidic/alternative" pathway of cholesterol metabolism. Specifically, we report data showing that an inability to upregulate CYP7B1, in the setting of insulin resistance, results in the accumulation of toxic intracellular cholesterol metabolites that promote inflammation and hepatocyte injury. This metabolic pathway, initiated and exacerbated by insulin resistance, offers insight into approaches for the treatment of NAFLD.

The rise of drug-resistant tuberculosis poses a major risk to public health. Statins, which inhibit both cholesterol biosynthesis and protein prenylation branches of the mevalonate pathway, increase anti-tubercular antibiotic efficacy in animal models. However, the underlying molecular mechanisms are unknown. In this study, we used an in vitro macrophage infection model to investigate simvastatin’s anti-tubercular activity by systematically inhibiting each branch of the mevalonate pathway and evaluating the effects of the branch-specific inhibitors on mycobacterial growth. The anti-tubercular activity of simvastatin used at clinically relevant doses specifically targeted the cholesterol biosynthetic branch rather than the prenylation branches of the mevalonate pathway. Using Western blot analysis and AMP/ATP measurements, we found that simvastatin treatment blocked activation of mechanistic target of rapamycin complex 1 (mTORC1), activated AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK) through increased intracellular AMP:ATP ratios, and favored nuclear translocation of transcription factor EB (TFEB). These mechanisms all induce autophagy, which is anti-mycobacterial. The biological effects of simvastatin on the AMPK-mTORC1-TFEB-autophagy axis were reversed by adding exogenous cholesterol to the cells. Our data demonstrate that the anti-tubercular activity of simvastatin requires inhibiting cholesterol biosynthesis, reveal novel links between cholesterol homeostasis, the AMPK-mTORC1-TFEB axis, and Mycobacterium tuberculosis infection control, and uncover new anti-tubercular therapy targets.

ABCB4/MDR3 is located in the canalicular membrane of hepatocytes and translocates PC-lipids from the cytoplasmic to the extracellular leaflet. ABCB4 is an ATP-dependent transporter that reduces the harsh detergent effect of the bile salts by counteracting self-digestion. To do so, ABCB4 provides PC lipids for extraction into bile. PC lipids account for 40% of the entire pool of lipids in the canalicular membrane with an unknown distribution over both leaflets. Extracted PC lipids end up in so-called mixed micelles. Mixed micelles are composed of phospholipids, bile salts, and cholesterol. Ninety to ninety-five percent of the phospholipids are members of the PC family, but only a subset of mainly 16.0-18:1 PC and 16:0-18:2 PC variants are present. To elucidate whether ABCB4 is the key discriminator in this enrichment of specific PC lipids, we used in vitro studies to identify crucial determinants in substrate selection. We demonstrate that PC-lipid moieties alone are insufficient for stimulating ABCB4 ATPase activity, and that at least two acyl chains and the backbone itself are required for a productive interaction. The nature of the fatty acids, like length or saturation has a quantitative impact on the ATPase activity. Our data demonstrate a two-step enrichment and protective function of ABCB4 to mitigate the harsh detergent effect of the bile salts, because ABCB4 can translocate more than just the PC-lipid variants found in bile.

Beiging of white adipose tissue (WAT) has beneficial effects on metabolism. Although it is known that beige adipocytes are active in lipid catabolism and thermogenesis, how they are regulated deserves more explorations. In this study, we demonstrate that stearoyl-CoA desaturase 1 (SCD1) in subcutaneous WAT (scWAT) responded to cold stimulation and was able to promote mobilization of triacylglycerol [TAG (triglyceride)]. In vitro studies showed that SCD1 promoted lipolysis in C3H10T1/2 white adipocytes. The lipolytic effect was contributed by one of SCD1’s products, oleic acid (OA). OA upregulated adipose TAG lipase and hormone-sensitive lipase expression. When SCD1 was overexpressed in the scWAT of mice, lipolysis was enhanced, and oxygen consumption and heat generation were increased. These effects were also demonstrated by the SCD1 knockdown experiments in mice. In conclusion, our study suggests that SCD1, known as an enzyme for lipid synthesis, plays a role in upregulating lipid mobilization through its desaturation product, OA.

Lipoproteins play a key role in transport of cholesterol to and from tissues. Recent studies have also demonstrated that red blood cells (RBCs), which carry large quantities of free cholesterol in their membrane, play an important role in reverse cholesterol transport. However, the exact role of RBCs in systemic cholesterol metabolism is poorly understood. RBCs were incubated with autologous plasma or isolated lipoproteins resulting in a significant net amount of cholesterol moved from RBCs to HDL, while cholesterol from LDL moved in the opposite direction. Furthermore, the bi-directional cholesterol transport between RBCs and plasma lipoproteins was saturable and temperature-, energy-, and time-dependent, consistent with an active process. We did not find LDLR, ABCG1, or scavenger receptor class B type 1 in RBCs but found a substantial amount of ABCA1 mRNA and protein. However, specific cholesterol efflux from RBCs to isolated apoA-I was negligible, and ABCA1 silencing with siRNA or inhibition with vanadate and Probucol did not inhibit the efflux to apoA-I, HDL, or plasma. Cholesterol efflux from and cholesterol uptake by RBCs from Abca1^+/+ and Abca1^–/– mice were similar, arguing against the role of ABCA1 in cholesterol flux between RBCs and lipoproteins. Bioinformatics analysis identified ABCA7, ABCG5, lipoprotein lipase, and mitochondrial translocator protein as possible candidates that may mediate the cholesterol flux. Together, these results suggest that RBCs actively participate in cholesterol transport in the blood, but the role of cholesterol transporters in RBCs remains uncertain.

Microsomal triglyceride transfer protein (MTTP) deficiency results in a syndrome of hypolipidemia and accelerated NAFLD. Animal models of decreased hepatic MTTP activity have revealed an unexplained dissociation between hepatic steatosis and hepatic insulin resistance. Here, we performed comprehensive metabolic phenotyping of liver-specific MTTP knockout (L-Mttp^–/–) mice and age-weight matched wild-type control mice. Young (10–12-week-old) L-Mttp^–/– mice exhibited hepatic steatosis and increased DAG content; however, the increase in hepatic DAG content was partitioned to the lipid droplet and was not increased in the plasma membrane. Young L-Mttp^–/– mice also manifested normal hepatic insulin sensitivity, as assessed by hyperinsulinemic-euglycemic clamps, no PKC activation, and normal hepatic insulin signaling from the insulin receptor through AKT Ser/Thr kinase. In contrast, aged (10-month-old) L-Mttp^–/– mice exhibited glucose intolerance and hepatic insulin resistance along with an increase in hepatic plasma membrane sn-1,2-DAG content and PKC activation. Treatment with a functionally liver-targeted mitochondrial uncoupler protected the aged L-Mttp^–/– mice against the development of hepatic steatosis, increased plasma membrane sn-1,2-DAG content, PKC activation, and hepatic insulin resistance. Furthermore, increased hepatic insulin sensitivity in the aged controlled-release mitochondrial protonophore-treated L-Mttp^–/– mice was not associated with any reductions in hepatic ceramide content. Taken together, these data demonstrate that differences in the intracellular compartmentation of sn-1,2-DAGs in the lipid droplet versus plasma membrane explains the dissociation of NAFLD/lipid-induced hepatic insulin resistance in young L-Mttp^–/– mice as well as the development of lipid-induced hepatic insulin resistance in aged L-Mttp^–/– mice.

To identify novel autoantibodies of Takayasu arteritis (TAK) using HuProt array-based approach. A two-phase approach was adopted. In Phase I, serum samples collected from 40 TAK patients, 15 autoimmune disease patients, and 20 healthy subjects were screened to identify TAK-specific autoantibodies using human protein (HuProt) arrays. In Phase II, the identified candidate autoantibodies were validated with TAK-focused arrays using an additional cohort comprised of 109 TAK patients, 110 autoimmune disease patients, and 96 healthy subjects. Subsequently, the TAK-specific autoantibodies validated in Phase II were further confirmed using Western blot analysis. We identified and validated eight autoantibodies as potential TAK-specific diagnostic biomarkers, including anti-SPATA7, -QDPR, -SLC25A2, -PRH2, -DIXDC1, -IL17RB, -ZFAND4, and -NOLC1 antibodies, with AUC of 0.803, 0.801, 0.780, 0.696, 0.695, 0.678, 0.635 and 0.613, respectively. SPATA7 could distinguish TAK from healthy and disease controls with 73.4% sensitivity at 85.4% specificity, while QDPR showed 71.6% sensitivity at 86.4% specificity. SLC25A22 showed the highest sensitivity of 80.7%, but at lower specificity of 67.0%. In addition, PRH2, IL17RB and NOLC1 showed good specificities of 88.3%, 85.9% and 86.9%, respectively, but at lower sensitivities (<50%). Finally, DIXDC1 and ZFAND4 showed moderate performance as compared with the other autoantibodies. Using a decision tree model, we could reach a specificity of 94.2% with AUC of 0.843, a significantly improved performance as compared to that by each individual biomarker. The performance of three autoantibodies, namely anti-SPATA7, -QDPR and -PRH2, were successfully confirmed with Western blot analysis. Using this two-phase strategy, we identified and validated eight novel autoantibodies as TAK–specific biomarker candidates, three of which could be readily adopted in a clinical setting.

Gender-smart Procurement: Policies for Driving Change Research paper sysadmin 14 December 2017

Governments should use public procurement policy as a strategic lever to accelerate gender-inclusive economic growth through the application of state spending power.

• Governments need to rethink public procurement policy. They need to use it as a strategic lever to accelerate gender-inclusive economic growth through the application of state spending power, while maintaining rigorous governance standards. Reform of public procurement to make it more gender-inclusive could create a ‘diversity dividend’ through increased job creation and economic growth. Gender-smart procurement policies could also mitigate economic and business risk by rendering supply chains more diverse.
• In 2014, G20 members agreed to reduce the gender gap in the labour market by 25 per cent by 2025. Procurement policy is one of the most powerful tools governments have to achieve this goal. All G20 members, regardless of the differences in their legal frameworks, can implement measures that will increase the ability of women to benefit from procurement policy.
• Public procurement accounts for around one-fifth of global gross domestic product (GDP). It is estimated that women entrepreneurs supply only 1 per cent of this market. Women’s businesses face considerable barriers to accessing procurement tenders and winning procurement contracts. The inadequate design of many procurement processes prevents more inclusive gender outcomes for citizens. Governments should redefine procurement policies to make explicit the requirement that increasing women’s workforce participation, through greater use of female suppliers, is a key objective when selecting bids for procurement contracts.
• Through the use of policy and spending levers, governments can play four primary roles in encouraging procurement from enterprises owned by women, or from businesses committed to promoting female labour participation. These roles are:
  - To direct reforms of government procurement – reviewing procurement policies and practices to ensure sustainable and inclusive procurement;
  - To reduce barriers to women’s participation in the economy – creating the support mechanisms to ensure an environment in which businesses owned by women can flourish;
  - To help scale up gender-smart procurement in the private sector – expanding government’s role in encouraging private companies to spend more of their procurement budgets with women’s businesses; and
  - To encourage increased transparency on the issues – creating and sharing procurement databases and lessons learned, especially at the regional level.
• Companies can also benefit from having more diverse supply chains and volunteering for accreditation schemes. They can start conversations with government about national regulation that encourages diversity in procurement, leading by example.
• The G20 should set measurable and time-bound targets in the area of gender-smart procurement, to build on the momentum of UN reforms and incorporate good practice in supply chain management.

Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part One Other resource sysadmin 29 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) jointly organized this four-day meeting at Chatham House for international lawyers to discuss a wide range of issues related to public international law and the rights of individuals.

The specific objectives were to:

• create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
• build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
• support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For China University of Political Science and Law, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The roundtable had a total of 22 participants, 10 Chinese (from universities and other academic institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and 12 non-Chinese (from Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.

Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Two Other resource sysadmin 30 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) held a two-day roundtable meeting in Beijing on public international law and the rights of individuals.

The specific objectives were to:

• create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
• build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
• support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting in Beijing was hosted by CUPL and involved 20 participants, 10 Chinese (from universities and other academic institutions in Beijing) and 10 non-Chinese (from Australia, the Netherlands, South Africa, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the experts network being built, the second meeting included a mix of participants from the first meeting and some new participants.

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.

Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Three Other resource sysadmin 30 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House, China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) and the Graduate Institute Geneva held a two-day roundtable meeting in Geneva on public international law and the rights of individuals.

The specific objectives were to:

• create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
• build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
• support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting in Geneva was co-hosted by the Graduate Institute Geneva and involved 19 participants, 9 Chinese (from six research institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and 11 non-Chinese (from eight research institutions in Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the expert network being built, the third meeting included a mix of participants from the first two meetings and some new participants

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.

Exploring Public International Law Issues with Chinese Scholars – Part Four Other resource sysadmin 30 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and the China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) held a two-day roundtable in Beijing on emerging issues of public international law.

The specific objectives were to:

• create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
• build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
• support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting was co-hosted with CUPL and involved 28 participants, consisting of 19 Chinese participants (from six leading research institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and nine nonChinese participants (from eight leading research institutions in Australia, the Netherlands, the UK, Switzerland, Canada and Singapore).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the expert network being built, the fifth meeting included a mix of participants from the previous meetings and some new participants.

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.

Artificial Intelligence Prediction and Counterterrorism Research paper sysadmin 6 August 2019

The use of AI in counterterrorism is not inherently wrong, and this paper suggests some necessary conditions for legitimate use of AI as part of a predictive approach to counterterrorism on the part of liberal democratic states.

Summary

• The use of predictive artificial intelligence (AI) in countering terrorism is often assumed to have a deleterious effect on human rights, generating spectres of ‘pre-crime’ punishment and surveillance states. However, the well-regulated use of new capabilities may enhance states’ abilities to protect citizens’ right to life, while at the same time improving adherence to principles intended to protect other human rights, such as transparency, proportionality and freedom from unfair discrimination. The same regulatory framework could also contribute to safeguarding against broader misuse of related technologies.
• Most states focus on preventing terrorist attacks, rather than reacting to them. As such, prediction is already central to effective counterterrorism. AI allows higher volumes of data to be analysed, and may perceive patterns in those data that would, for reasons of both volume and dimensionality, otherwise be beyond the capacity of human interpretation. The impact of this is that traditional methods of investigation that work outwards from known suspects may be supplemented by methods that analyse the activity of a broad section of an entire population to identify previously unknown threats.
• Developments in AI have amplified the ability to conduct surveillance without being constrained by resources. Facial recognition technology, for instance, may enable the complete automation of surveillance using CCTV in public places in the near future.
• The current way predictive AI capabilities are used presents a number of interrelated problems from both a human rights and a practical perspective. Where limitations and regulations do exist, they may have the effect of curtailing the utility of approaches that apply AI, while not necessarily safeguarding human rights to an adequate extent.
• The infringement of privacy associated with the automated analysis of certain types of public data is not wrong in principle, but the analysis must be conducted within a robust legal and policy framework that places sensible limitations on interventions based on its results.
• In future, broader access to less intrusive aspects of public data, direct regulation of how those data are used – including oversight of activities by private-sector actors – and the imposition of technical as well as regulatory safeguards may improve both operational performance and compliance with human rights legislation. It is important that any such measures proceed in a manner that is sensitive to the impact on other rights such as freedom of expression, and freedom of association and assembly.

The faithful segregation, or “partition,” of many low-copy number bacterial plasmids is driven by plasmid-encoded ATPases that are represented by the P1 plasmid ParA protein. ParA binds to the bacterial nucleoid via an ATP-dependent nonspecific DNA (nsDNA)-binding activity, which is essential for partition. ParA also has a site-specific DNA-binding activity to the par operator (parOP), which requires either ATP or ADP, and which is essential for it to act as a transcriptional repressor but is dispensable for partition. Here we examine how DNA binding by ParA contributes to the relative distribution of its plasmid partition and repressor activities, using a ParA with an alanine substitution at Arg351, a residue previously predicted to participate in site-specific DNA binding. In vivo, the parAR351A allele is compromised for partition, but its repressor activity is dramatically improved so that it behaves as a “super-repressor.” In vitro, ParAR351A binds and hydrolyzes ATP, and undergoes a specific conformational change required for nsDNA binding, but its nsDNA-binding activity is significantly damaged. This defect in turn significantly reduces the assembly and stability of partition complexes formed by the interaction of ParA with ParB, the centromere-binding protein, and DNA. In contrast, the R351A change shows only a mild defect in site-specific DNA binding. We conclude that the partition defect is due to altered nsDNA binding kinetics and affinity for the bacterial chromosome. Furthermore, the super-repressor phenotype is explained by an increased pool of non-nucleoid bound ParA that is competent to bind parOP and repress transcription.

After undergoing surgery in late June to repair a torn left labrum in his left shoulder that required nine anchors to be inserted to keep everything in place, Zack Cozart is healthy and looking for a bounce-back season with the Angels.

The Angels will be without left fielder Justin Upton early in Spring Training, as he's dealing with right knee patellar tendinitis but is expected to be ready for Opening Day, manager Brad Ausmus said on Monday.

Mugabe’s Departure Ushers in a Heady New Era for Zimbabwe Expert comment sysadmin 23 November 2017

The country is experiencing an almost unprecedented convergence, with traditional political, economic and social fault lines bridged as Zimbabweans make common cause for change.

The ecstatic scenes said it all – Zimbabweans around the world are celebrating the resignation of Robert Mugabe as president. In January 1980, hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans thronged Zimbabwe Grounds stadium in Highfields township, Harare, to welcome Mugabe back from exile. In March 1980, with reggae icon Bob Marley and Britain’s Prince Charles in attendance, thousands filled Rufaro Stadium to witness the handover from Rhodesia to the new nation of Zimbabwe. Thirty-seven years later, the largest crowds Harare has ever witnessed flooded the streets once again; not to welcome Mugabe in, but to see him out. One simple, taut phrase summed up the day’s events: ‘This is our second independence day.’

How did it come to this?

History has been put on fast-forward, and left Zimbabwe – and the world – shaken. Just two weeks ago, it seemed to be the height of folly to think that Mugabe would leave office on any but his own terms. Emmerson Mnangagwa had been sacked as vice president, and his followers had been purged. Grace Mugabe, with ringing endorsements from the women’s and youth leagues, looked set to be elevated to the vice presidency at the ZANU-PF congress in less than a month’s time.

Mugabe was expected to stay until the 2018 elections, after which he would hand over the presidency to his wife. It was the prospect of Grace Mugabe becoming Zimbabwe’s next president which brought in the military. Aware that they had three weeks or less to prevent a dynastic succession and a looming purge of the military itself, Zimbabwe’s military chose, not the audacity of hope, but the hope of audacity, and launched Operation Restore Legacy to stop the rot.

What has happened in Zimbabwe is not a people’s revolution in the traditional sense. The Bourbons in France, the Romanov dynasty in Russia, the Shah of Iran, and the autocrats of north Africa’s Arab Spring were all felled by continuous street protests which ultimately received the support of the military.

In Zimbabwe it has been the military who have been the drivers of revolutionary change. What has happened is that an internal party-factional power struggle has inadvertently led to a military-guided popular revolution and the ousting of the Mugabes. Zimbabwe’s military, often seen as the guardians of the state, became instead the guardians of the people. They are seen, for now at least, as liberators, and national heroes. This has been a very Zimbabwean revolution.

So what next?

These are heady days. Zimbabwe is experiencing an almost unprecedented national convergence, with traditional political, economic and social fault lines bridged as Zimbabweans make common cause for change. It is not quite a ‘Zimbabwe Spring’, but it is perhaps a ‘Zimbabwe Sunrise’.

Parliament, which on Tuesday had met to impeach Robert Mugabe, is now installing, through constitutional procedures, Emmerson Mnangagwa as president, who will be given the mandate to form an interim government. Mnangagwa will be further ratified at the ZANU-PF Congress in December where he will be named and acclaimed as ZANU-PF’s candidate for the next general elections, which constitutionally are due by mid-2018 (although it is unclear whether this will indeed be the case).

Mnangagwa has a full in-tray. He needs to form a government quickly and has to balance the need for inclusivity and consultation, with the undoubted pressure to reward his followers. With Zimbabwe’s economy nearing paralysis, Zimbabwe’s new president will be under pressure to deliver. Although many are nervous about his history as Mugabe’s ally and his reputation for toughness, Mnangagwa is also an astute political survivor, and has been pro-business and supportive of Zimbabwe’s ongoing re-engagement with the global community.

Zimbabwe has become a cashless society not by design, but by default; with formal unemployment at 80 per cent and with a largely informalized economy in which much of Zimbabwe’s citizenry have been reduced to penury and classic short-termism, there is plenty for Zimbabwe’s next president to think about. Activists wonder whether he will try to introduce systemic change, or merely go through the motions. He may well face a binary choice between government or governance.

And yet there are also positives. Zimbabwe’s institutions have proven to be resilient, and there is still a reservoir of dedicated and competent professionals in both public and private sectors. Although still laggardly, Zimbabwe had begun to progress in ‘ease of doing business’ indices. There is a large diaspora who have continued to engage with Zimbabwe; and Zimbabwe’s recent ‘Look East’ and de facto ‘Look West’ re-engagement policies can be built upon.

Many are urging caution and saying that Zimbabwe needs a second, truly democratic revolution. Perhaps. But right now, Mnangagwa should be given a chance. Farai, a friend of mine in Harare, said this: ‘Yes we know this euphoria may be short-lived. But even if it turns out that we were only happy for a day, let’s make it a brilliant day. Rega tifare nhasi (Let us be happy today).’

A version of this article was first published by the Guardian.

Zimbabwe's Elections Were Meant to Start a New Era Expert comment sysadmin 14 August 2018

Emmerson Mnangagwa has been declared president of Zimbabwe amid protests and violence but Zimbabweans are now in a post-political, economy-first mood, writes Knox Chitiyo.

Before Zimbabwe’s general election on 30 July, there was a lot of talk about there being ‘landmark change’ and ‘credibility.’ But in many ways it was déjà vu. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s ruling ZANU-PF party won the parliamentary vote, taking a majority 144 seats out of 210. The opposition MDC Alliance, a seven-party coalition led by Nelson Chamisa, won 64 seats—an improvement on their 2013 showing of 44 seats, but still falling far short of expectations.

The presidential results were much closer. After clashes on Wednesday, the incumbent Mnangagwa was declared winner early Friday morning, taking 50.8 per cent of the vote against Chamisa’s 44.3 per cent. The 21 other independent presidential candidates polled less than 5 per cent between them.

The polls didn’t quite live up to the hype. There was much that was positive: the prelude and election day were peaceful, with a minimal military presence. Opposition candidates were able to hold nationwide rallies (including in ZANU-PF’s rural heartland) without interference—an electoral first. ZANU-PF leaders and the military called for a peaceful process. Four women candidates contested the presidential vote, another first. More than 5 million Zimbabweans registered out of an eligible voting population of 7.2 million, and there was a near record 75 per cent turnout on voting day. Zimbabwe invited official observers from 46 countries and 15 international organizations, and, for the first time since 2002, observers from the EU, the Commonwealth and the US were present.

But shortcomings included late public access to the imperfect biometric voters roll and controversies about the ballot papers. There were also misogynistic social media attacks and threats against female candidates and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) chair Justice Priscilla Chigumba.

The three-day wait for presidential results saw a further decline in public trust in the ZEC, and the opposition’s premature announcement of a Chamisa victory only fanned the political flames.

On Wednesday, six unarmed civilians were shot dead by soldiers in Harare, with dozens more assaulted. A Joint International Observer Mission statement promptly condemned the violence and called for restraint.

The election process was a boon for democracy, but ironically the result has entrenched the two-party parliamentary system and marginalized alternative voices. Mnangagwa has been conciliatory in his post-election statements, saying that Nelson Chamisa has a ‘crucial role to play’ and calling for unity to ‘build a new Zimbabwe for all.’

But Chamisa’s MDC Alliance has refused to accept the results, calling them ‘fake’ and a ‘scandal.’ The MDC has raised genuine transparency concerns and will likely challenge the results in court, but much of this may be cosmetic—with little chance of a 2017 Kenya-style presidential re-run. There is no critical mass of opposition parties to sustain a challenge, nor is there a popular appetite for a protracted political feud.

Zimbabwe’s democracy agenda may be heading into the slow lane, and Chamisa may be pressured by his coalition partners to make a political accommodation with Mnangagwa. Nevertheless, despite setbacks, Zimbabwe’s opposition and civil society has a long history of resilience under pressure and the struggle for democracy will continue.

Mnangagwa has a full in-tray. He has to unite a fractious ZANU-PF and manage internal civil-military and generational faultlines. Beyond that, he may need a public reconciliation with Chamisa—similar to how in Kenya and Mozambique, similar incumbent-opposition quarrels were mended by public rapprochements.

But Zimbabweans are now in a post-political, economy-first mood. Resolving the cash crisis is crucial. Few Zimbabweans can withdraw more than $50 a day from banks or ATMs—and much of this is paid out in unpopular ‘bond coins.’ The formal sector has contracted to only 20 per cent of the economy, and the informal sector lacks the capacity to push an economic renewal.

Zimbabwe’s new internationalism is premised upon the 2015 Lima process economic reform pathway for debt arrears clearance. (The country has a $10 billion foreign debt.) There has been a modest increase in foreign and diaspora investment, but the big-money Chinese, Russian and other pledges are long-horizon projects. What Zimbabwe needs is a short-term economic stimulus—to support small and medium-sized businesses.

For this to happen, Mnangagwa has to stay the course on economic reform, ease of doing business and the anti-corruption agenda. The pivot from reform to transformation in Zimbabwe will require all hands on deck, including civil society, the opposition, Zimbabwe diaspora and foreign investors, in a partnership for development.

A positive global verdict on the elections could supercharge investment, but time will tell whether these polls have been a deal-maker or a deal-breaker.

Zimbabwe’s elections often split the global south and the global north, and this could be the case again. The EU will have to decide whether to continue their incremental rapprochement with Zimbabwe, or accelerate to the reciprocity-based, ‘Re-Engagement 2.0’ approach currently favoured by the UK although the US is unlikely to lift statutory sanctions anytime soon.

Zimbabwe’s possible return to the Commonwealth could also be divisive, given the broader global context of the perceived existential clash between beleaguered liberal democracy and the rise of populist—and popular—autocracies across the globe.

President Mnangagwa—along with South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, Mozambique’s Filipe Nyusi and others—belong to a pragmatic new wave of regional economic reformers nudging liberationism away from ideology. He now has an electoral mandate to lead a divided country. For sisters Chipo and Tendai, both businesswomen based in Harare who voted for Mnangagwa and Chamisa respectively, the future needs to come now. ‘There is too much talk,’ they said, ‘we live every day between hope and despair. We need cash and jobs. We are tired of being tired.’

This was originally published in TIME.

South Africa’s 2019 Election: Polling Data and Party Prospects 13 March 2019 — 12:30PM TO 1:30PM Anonymous (not verified) 7 March 2019 Chatham House, London

On 8 May 2019, South Africans will vote in their sixth national election. Incumbent President Cyril Ramaphosa is leading his ANC party campaign, which promises inclusive economic growth and social transformation, including through a sustainable land reform programme. However, public frustrations with the party’s record of service delivery and government corruption after 25 years in power could threaten the ANC’s electoral dominance especially in urban areas.

At this meeting, Professor David Everatt, head of the Wits School of Governance and political pollster, will present polling data and discuss the prospects and strategies of the main parties and their leaders ahead of the May election.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

South Africa’s ANC party policy conference 2022: Outcomes and prospects 10 August 2022 — 1:00PM TO 2:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 4 August 2022 Online

Paul Mashatile, Treasurer-General of the African National Congress (ANC), discusses the outcomes of the 6th ANC Policy Conference 2022.

The African National Congress (ANC) recently concluded its 6th National Policy Conference in Johannesburg, in the year that the ANC has declared ‘The Year of Unity and Renewal to Defend and Advance South Africa’s Democratic Gains’. The conference was a precursor to the party’s 55th National Elective Conference to be held in December.

The conference has come less than a year after municipal polls in which the ANC garnered less than 50 per cent of votes, its lowest since 1994. Many believe internal factionalism is impeding party reform and hampering its ability to address unemployment and entrenched inequality.

At this webinar, Paul Mashatile, Treasurer-General of the ANC, will discuss the outcomes of the ANC Policy Conference 2022, including measures to accelerate inclusive growth, job creation and a just energy transition.

This event will also be broadcast live on the Chatham House Africa Programme’s Facebook page.

Who gains from artificial intelligence? 27 February 2023 — 5:30PM TO 6:30PM Anonymous (not verified) 6 February 2023 Chatham House and Online

What implications will AI have on fundamental rights and how can societies benefit from this technology revolution?

In recent months, the latest developments in artificial intelligence (AI) have attracted much media attention. These technologies hold a wealth of potential for a wide range of applications, for example, the recent release of OpenAI’s ChatGPT, a text generation model, has shed light on the opportunities these applications hold including to advance scientific research and discovery, enhance search engines and improve key commercial applications.

Yet, instead of generating an evidence-based public debate, this increased interest has also led to discussions on AI technologies which are often alarmist in nature, and in a lot of cases, misleading. They carry the risk of shifting public and policymakers’ attention away from critical societal and legal risks as well as concrete solutions.

This discussion, held in partnership with Microsoft and Sidley Austin LLP, provides an expert-led overview of where the technology stands in 2023. Panellists also reflect on the implications of implementing AI on fundamental rights, the enforcement of current and upcoming legislation and multi-stakeholder pathways to address relevant issues in the AI space.

More specifically, the panel explores:

• What is the current state of the art in the AI field?
• What are the opportunities and challenges presented by generative AI and other innovations?
• What are some of the key, and potentially most disruptive, AI applications to monitor in the near- and mid-term? 
• Which applications would benefit from greater public policy/governance discussions?
• How can current and future policy frameworks ensure the protection of fundamental rights in this new era of AI?
• What is the role of multi-stakeholder collaboration?
• What are the pathways to achieving inclusive and responsible governance of AI?

• How can countries around the world work together to develop frameworks for responsible AI that upholds democratic values and advance AI collaboration across borders?

As with all member events, questions from the audience drive the conversation.

Read the transcript.

Turkey's Foreign Policy: The Perspective of the Main Opposition Party 5 November 2020 — 12:00PM TO 1:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 14 October 2020 Online

The Republican People’s Party (CHP), the main Turkish opposition party, is becoming a serious contender for a leading role in the country’s politics.

This is an online only event.

CHP’s mayoral candidates defeated the Justice and Development Party (AKP) incumbents in the 2019 local elections in Ankara and Istanbul, which held both cities for a quarter of a century. Its ascendency in Turkish politics is improving prospects for a CHP-led government after the next general election in 2023.

In this webinar, the speaker will share CHP’s stance on the country’s foreign policy towards key regional allies in Europe, as well as its take on relations with Russia, the US and Turkey’s position and role in the Middle East. Finally, the speaker will share how CHP’s external policy might differ from the ruling AKP. 

Turkey's foreign policy: The perspective of the İYİ Parti 25 January 2021 — 12:00PM TO 1:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 14 January 2021 Online

The centre-right İYİ Parti, the second largest opposition party in Turkey, is attracting voters from the governing alliance between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the pro-Turkish National Movement Party (MHP).

Please complete your registration on Zoom:

The İYİ Parti, which was set up in 2017, formed the Nation Alliance (Millet İttifakı) with the left-of-centre Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the pro-Islam Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi) in the 2018 parliamentary elections winning 43 seats in the Grand National Assembly.

In the 2019 municipal elections, the İYİ Parti’s alliance alliance with the CHP played an important role in enabling the latter’s candidates to become the mayors of Istanbul and Ankara after a quarter-century dominance by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Its popularity has been rising steadily, according to recent polls. In this webinar, the speaker will outline the party’s viewpoint on the country’s foreign policy towards the European Union, as well as its perspectives on relations with Russia, the US, Iran and the Arab world. Finally, he will share the ways in which the İYİ Parti’s approach to external policy might differ from the ruling AKP.

Amazon Prime Air drone deliveries are underway and delivering small packages within an hour in the West Valley of the Phoenix metro area.

The historic ocean liner SS United States, whose fate had been in limbo for years, will begin its transition into the world's largest sunken artificial reef beginning this week in Philadelphia, its owner says.

President-elect Donald Trump announced Tuesday that Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy will lead his administration's new Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, to end "government waste" and "slash excess regulations."

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Aug. 19, 2024 — SURF’s innovation department recently collaborated with Cornelis Networks to advance networking capabilities for high-performance computing (HPC) clusters. The collaboration marks a new step forward for SURF […]

The post Cornelis Networks Partners with SURF to Enhance HPC Cluster Networking Capabilities appeared first on HPCwire.

BOSTON, Oct. 25, 2024 — QuEra Computing, a leader in neutral-atom quantum computing, today announced that on September 6th, it signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the National Institute of […]

The post QuEra and AIST Partner on Quantum-HPC Integration for Research and Industry appeared first on HPCwire.

The USNS Choctaw County has arrived in Beirut, Lebanon, to participate in a first-of-its-kind mission intended to strengthen military ties between the countries, the U.S. Navy said Tuesday.

A multinational military exercise intended to improve interoperability between the U.S. Army and allied nations wrapped up its final phase in Turkey on Monday.

Bahraini leaders committed Thursday to partnering with a new U.S. Navy task force to ramp up new unmanned system efforts.

COLLEGE PARK, Md., Nov. 7, 2024 — IonQ (NYSE: IONQ), a leader in the quantum computing industry, has announced financial results for the quarter ended September 30, 2024. “We had yet […]

The post IonQ Announces 3rd Quarter 2024 Financial Results appeared first on HPCwire.

COLLEGE PARK, Md., Nov. 11, 2024 — IonQ, a leader in the quantum computing industry, has announced that it is developing photonic integrated circuits (PICs) and chip-scale ion trap technology for […]

The post IonQ Partners with imec to Advance Quantum Computers with Photonic Integrated Circuits appeared first on HPCwire.

Nov. 8, 2024 — Across the United States, research shows that computer science (CS) courses teach a range of transferable skills that help students as they enter the workforce. But in […]

The post UT Austin-UTEP Partnership Supports Growth of Texas CS Education appeared first on HPCwire.

BARCELONA, Spain, Nov. 7, 2024 — Codee, a provider of software developer tools for automated code review and testing specializing in correctness, modernization and optimization of Fortran/C/C++ code, is pleased […]

The post Do IT Now and Codee Partner to Enhance Code Correctness, Modernization and Optimization appeared first on HPCwire.

A new technique helps anesthesiologists track changes in states of consciousness