Deficiency of glucocerebrosidase (GBA), a lysosomal β-glucosidase, causes Gaucher disease. The enzyme hydrolyzes β-glucosidic substrates and transglucosylates cholesterol to cholesterol-β-glucoside. Here we show that recombinant human GBA also cleaves β-xylosides and transxylosylates cholesterol. The xylosyl-cholesterol formed acts as acceptor for subsequent formation of di-xylosyl-cholesterol. Common mutant forms of GBA from patients with Gaucher disease with reduced β-glucosidase activity were similarly impaired in β-xylosidase, transglucosidase and transxylosidase activities, except for a slightly reduced xylosidase/glucosidase activity ratio of N370S GBA and a slightly reduced transglucosylation/glucosidase activity ratio of D409H GBA. XylChol was found to be reduced in spleen from Gaucher disease patients. The origin of newly identified XylChol in mouse and human tissues was investigated. Cultured human cells exposed to exogenous β-xylosides generated XylChol in a manner dependent on active lysosomal GBA but not the cytosol-facing β-glucosidase GBA2. We later sought an endogenous β-xyloside acting as donor in transxylosylation reactions, identifying xylosylated ceramide (XylCer) in cells and tissues that serve as donor in the formation of XylChol. UDP-glucosylceramide synthase (GCS) was unable to synthesize XylChol but could catalyse formation of XylCer. Thus, food-derived β-D-xyloside and XylCer are potential donors for the GBA-mediated formation of XylChol in cells. The enzyme GCS produces XylCer at a low rate. Our findings point to further catalytic versatility of GBA and prompt a systematic exploration of the distribution and role of xylosylated lipids.

Lipid metabolic abnormalities have emerged as potential risk factors for the development and progression of diabetic complications, including diabetic retinopathy (DR).  This review article provides an overview of the results of clinical trials evaluating the potential benefits of lipid lowering drugs, such as fibrates, omega 3 fatty acids, and statins, for the prevention and treatment of DR. Although several clinical trials demonstrated that treatment with fibrates leads to improvement of DR, there is a dissociation between the protective effects of fibrates in the retina, and the intended blood lipid classes, including plasma triglycerides, total cholesterol or HDL/LDL cholesterol ratio. Guided by these findings, plasma lipid and lipoprotein-independent mechanisms are addressed based on clinical, cell culture and animal model studies. Potential retinal-specific effects of fatty acids oxidation products, cholesterol, and ceramide, as well as lipid independent effects of PPAR alpha activation are summarized based on current literature. Overall, this review highlights promising potential of lipid-based treatment strategies further enhanced by the new knowledge of intra-retinal lipids and lipoproteins in DR.

The acyltransferase LCAT mediates FA esterification of plasma cholesterol. In vitro studies have shown that LCAT also FA-esterifies several oxysterols, but in vivo evidence is lacking. Here, we measured both free and FA-esterified forms of sterols in 206 healthy volunteers and 8 individuals with genetic LCAT deficiency, including familial LCAT deficiency (FLD) and fish-eye disease (FED). In the healthy volunteers, the mean values of the ester-to-total molar ratios of the following sterols varied: 4β-hydroxycholesterol (4βHC), 0.38; 5,6α-epoxycholesterol (5,6αEC), 0.46; 5,6β-epoxycholesterol (5,6βEC), 0.51; cholesterol, 0.70; cholestane-3β,5α,6β-triol (CT), 0.70; 7-ketocholesterol (7KC), 0.75; 24S-hydroxycholesterol (24SHC), 0.80; 25-hydroxycholesterol (25HC), 0.81; 27-hydroxycholesterol (27HC), 0.86; and 7α-hydroxycholesterol (7αHC), 0.89. In the individuals with LCAT deficiency, the plasma levels of the FA-esterified forms of cholesterol, 5,6αEC, 5,6βEC, CT, 7αHC, 7KC, 24SHC, 25HC, and 27HC, were significantly lower than those in the healthy volunteers. The individuals with FLD had significantly lower FA-esterified forms of 7αHC, 24SHC, and 27HC than those with FED. It is of note that, even in the three FLD individuals with negligible plasma cholesteryl ester, substantial amounts of the FA-esterified forms of 4βHC, 5,6αEC, 7αHC, 7KC, and 27HC were present. We conclude that LCAT has a major role in the FA esterification of many plasma oxysterols but contributes little to the FA esterification of 4βHC. Substantial FA esterification of 4βHC, 5,6αEC, 7αHC, 7KC, and 27HC is independent of LCAT.

Atherosclerosis is characterized by the pathological accumulation of cholesterol-laden macrophages in the arterial wall. Atherosclerosis is also the main underlying cause of CVDs, and its development is largely driven by elevated plasma cholesterol. Strong epidemiological data find an inverse association between plasma β-carotene with atherosclerosis, and we recently showed that β-carotene oxygenase 1 (BCO1) activity, responsible for β-carotene cleavage to vitamin A, is associated with reduced plasma cholesterol in humans and mice. In this study, we explore whether intact β-carotene or vitamin A affects atherosclerosis progression in the atheroprone LDLR-deficient mice. Compared with control-fed Ldlr^–/– mice, β-carotene-supplemented mice showed reduced atherosclerotic lesion size at the level of the aortic root and reduced plasma cholesterol levels. These changes were absent in Ldlr^–/–/Bco1^–/– mice despite accumulating β-carotene in plasma and atherosclerotic lesions. We discarded the implication of myeloid BCO1 in the development of atherosclerosis by performing bone marrow transplant experiments. Lipid production assays found that retinoic acid, the active form of vitamin A, reduced the secretion of newly synthetized triglyceride and cholesteryl ester in cell culture and mice. Overall, our findings provide insights into the role of BCO1 activity and vitamin A in atherosclerosis progression through the regulation of hepatic lipid metabolism.

Lipoprotein (a) [Lp(a)] is characterized by an LDL-like composition in terms of lipids and apoB100, and by one copy of a unique glycoprotein, apo(a). The apo(a) structure is mainly based on the repetition of tandem kringle domains with high homology to plasminogen kringles 4 and 5. Among them, kringle IV type 2 (KIV-2) is present in a highly variable number of genetically encoded repeats, whose length is inversely related to Lp(a) plasma concentration and cardiovascular risk. Despite it being the major component of apo(a), the actual function of KIV-2 is still unclear. Here, we describe the first high-resolution crystallographic structure of this domain. It shows a general fold very similar to other KIV domains with high and intermediate affinity for the lysine analog, -aminocaproic acid. Interestingly, KIV-2 presents a lysine binding site (LBS) with a unique shape and charge distribution. KIV-2 affinity for predicted small molecule binders was found to be negligible in surface plasmon resonance experiments; and with the LBS being nonfunctional, we propose to rename it "pseudo-LBS". Further investigation of the protein by computational small-molecule docking allowed us to identify a possible heparin-binding site away from the LBS, which was confirmed by specific reverse charge mutations abolishing heparin binding. This study opens new possibilities to define the pathogenesis of Lp(a)-related diseases and to facilitate the design of specific therapeutic drugs.

The rise of drug-resistant tuberculosis poses a major risk to public health. Statins, which inhibit both cholesterol biosynthesis and protein prenylation branches of the mevalonate pathway, increase anti-tubercular antibiotic efficacy in animal models. However, the underlying molecular mechanisms are unknown. In this study, we used an in vitro macrophage infection model to investigate simvastatin’s anti-tubercular activity by systematically inhibiting each branch of the mevalonate pathway and evaluating the effects of the branch-specific inhibitors on mycobacterial growth. The anti-tubercular activity of simvastatin used at clinically relevant doses specifically targeted the cholesterol biosynthetic branch rather than the prenylation branches of the mevalonate pathway. Using Western blot analysis and AMP/ATP measurements, we found that simvastatin treatment blocked activation of mechanistic target of rapamycin complex 1 (mTORC1), activated AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK) through increased intracellular AMP:ATP ratios, and favored nuclear translocation of transcription factor EB (TFEB). These mechanisms all induce autophagy, which is anti-mycobacterial. The biological effects of simvastatin on the AMPK-mTORC1-TFEB-autophagy axis were reversed by adding exogenous cholesterol to the cells. Our data demonstrate that the anti-tubercular activity of simvastatin requires inhibiting cholesterol biosynthesis, reveal novel links between cholesterol homeostasis, the AMPK-mTORC1-TFEB axis, and Mycobacterium tuberculosis infection control, and uncover new anti-tubercular therapy targets.

Lipoproteins play a key role in transport of cholesterol to and from tissues. Recent studies have also demonstrated that red blood cells (RBCs), which carry large quantities of free cholesterol in their membrane, play an important role in reverse cholesterol transport. However, the exact role of RBCs in systemic cholesterol metabolism is poorly understood. RBCs were incubated with autologous plasma or isolated lipoproteins resulting in a significant net amount of cholesterol moved from RBCs to HDL, while cholesterol from LDL moved in the opposite direction. Furthermore, the bi-directional cholesterol transport between RBCs and plasma lipoproteins was saturable and temperature-, energy-, and time-dependent, consistent with an active process. We did not find LDLR, ABCG1, or scavenger receptor class B type 1 in RBCs but found a substantial amount of ABCA1 mRNA and protein. However, specific cholesterol efflux from RBCs to isolated apoA-I was negligible, and ABCA1 silencing with siRNA or inhibition with vanadate and Probucol did not inhibit the efflux to apoA-I, HDL, or plasma. Cholesterol efflux from and cholesterol uptake by RBCs from Abca1^+/+ and Abca1^–/– mice were similar, arguing against the role of ABCA1 in cholesterol flux between RBCs and lipoproteins. Bioinformatics analysis identified ABCA7, ABCG5, lipoprotein lipase, and mitochondrial translocator protein as possible candidates that may mediate the cholesterol flux. Together, these results suggest that RBCs actively participate in cholesterol transport in the blood, but the role of cholesterol transporters in RBCs remains uncertain.

The adipocyte-derived hormone leptin increases trafficking of KATP and Kv2.1 channels to the pancreatic β-cell surface, resulting in membrane hyperpolarization and suppression of insulin secretion. We have previously shown that this effect of leptin is mediated by the NMDA subtype of glutamate receptors (NMDARs). It does so by potentiating NMDAR activity, thus enhancing Ca2+ influx and the ensuing downstream signaling events that drive channel trafficking to the cell surface. However, the molecular mechanism by which leptin potentiates NMDARs in β-cells remains unknown. Here, we report that leptin augments NMDAR function via Src kinase–mediated phosphorylation of the GluN2A subunit. Leptin-induced membrane hyperpolarization diminished upon pharmacological inhibition of GluN2A but not GluN2B, indicating involvement of GluN2A-containing NMDARs. GluN2A harbors tyrosine residues that, when phosphorylated by Src family kinases, potentiate NMDAR activity. We found that leptin increases phosphorylation of Tyr-418 in Src, an indicator of kinase activation. Pharmacological inhibition of Src or overexpression of a kinase-dead Src mutant prevented the effect of leptin, whereas a Src kinase activator peptide mimicked it. Using mutant GluN2A overexpression, we show that Tyr-1292 and Tyr-1387 but not Tyr-1325 are responsible for the effect of leptin. Importantly, β-cells from db/db mice, a type 2 diabetes mouse model lacking functional leptin receptors, or from obese diabetic human donors failed to respond to leptin but hyperpolarized in response to NMDA. Our study reveals a signaling pathway wherein leptin modulates NMDARs via Src to regulate β-cell excitability and suggests NMDARs as a potential target to overcome leptin resistance.

Influenza A virus (IAV) mutates rapidly, resulting in antigenic drift and poor year-to-year vaccine effectiveness. One challenge in designing effective vaccines is that genetic mutations frequently cause amino acid variations in IAV envelope protein hemagglutinin (HA) that create new N-glycosylation sequons; resulting N-glycans cause antigenic shielding, allowing viral escape from adaptive immune responses. Vaccine candidate strain selection currently involves correlating antigenicity with HA protein sequence among circulating strains, but quantitative comparison of site-specific glycosylation information may likely improve the ability to design vaccines with broader effectiveness against evolving strains. However, there is poor understanding of the influence of glycosylation on immunodominance, antigenicity, and immunogenicity of HA, and there are no well-tested methods for comparing glycosylation similarity among virus samples. Here, we present a method for statistically rigorous quantification of similarity between two related virus strains that considers the presence and abundance of glycopeptide glycoforms. We demonstrate the strength of our approach by determining that there was a quantifiable difference in glycosylation at the protein level between WT IAV HA from A/Switzerland/9715293/2013 (SWZ13) and a mutant strain of SWZ13, even though no N-glycosylation sequons were changed. We determined site-specifically that WT and mutant HA have varying similarity at the glycosylation sites of the head domain, reflecting competing pressures to evade host immune response while retaining viral fitness. To our knowledge, our results are the first to quantify changes in glycosylation state that occur in related proteins of considerable glycan heterogeneity. Our results provide a method for understanding how changes in glycosylation state are correlated with variations in protein sequence, which is necessary for improving IAV vaccine strain selection. Understanding glycosylation will be especially important as we find new expression vectors for vaccine production, as glycosylation state depends greatly on the host species.

Tandem mass tag (TMT) is a multiplexing technology widely-used in proteomic research. It enables relative quantification of proteins from multiple biological samples in a single MS run with high efficiency and high throughput. However, experiments often require more biological replicates or conditions than can be accommodated by a single run, and involve multiple TMT mixtures and multiple runs. Such larger-scale experiments combine sources of biological and technical variation in patterns that are complex, unique to TMT-based workflows, and challenging for the downstream statistical analysis. These patterns cannot be adequately characterized by statistical methods designed for other technologies, such as label-free proteomics or transcriptomics. This manuscript proposes a general statistical approach for relative protein quantification in MS- based experiments with TMT labeling. It is applicable to experiments with multiple conditions, multiple biological replicate runs and multiple technical replicate runs, and unbalanced designs. It is based on a flexible family of linear mixed-effects models that handle complex patterns of technical artifacts and missing values. The approach is implemented in MSstatsTMT, a freely available open-source R/Bioconductor package compatible with data processing tools such as Proteome Discoverer, MaxQuant, OpenMS, and SpectroMine. Evaluation on a controlled mixture, simulated datasets, and three biological investigations with diverse designs demonstrated that MSstatsTMT balanced the sensitivity and the specificity of detecting differentially abundant proteins, in large-scale experiments with multiple biological mixtures.

Ion mobility separates molecules in the gas-phase based on their physico-chemical properties, providing information about their size as collisional cross-sections. The timsTOF Pro combines trapped ion mobility with a quadrupole, collision cell and a TOF mass analyzer, to probe ions at high speeds with on-the-fly fragmentation. Here, we show that on this platform ion mobility is beneficial for cross-linking MS (XL-MS). Cross-linking reagents covalently link amino acids in proximity, resulting in peptide pairs after proteolytic digestion. These cross-linked peptides are typically present at low abundance in the background of normal peptides, which can partially be resolved by using enrichable cross-linking reagents. Even with a very efficient enrichable cross-linking reagent, like PhoX, the analysis of cross-linked peptides is still hampered by the co-enrichment of peptides connected to a partially hydrolyzed reagent – termed mono-linked peptides. For experiments aiming to uncover protein-protein interactions these are unwanted byproducts. Here, we demonstrate that gas-phase separation by ion mobility enables the separation of mono-linked peptides from cross-linked peptide pairs. A clear partition between these two classes is observed at a CCS of 500 Ų and a monoisotopic mass of 2 kDa, which can be used for targeted precursor selection. A total of 50-70% of the mono-linked peptides are prevented from sequencing, allowing the analysis to focus on sequencing the relevant cross-linked peptide pairs. In applications to both simple proteins and protein mixtures and a complete highly complex lysate this approach provides a substantial increase in detected cross-linked peptides.

The neuronal basis of complex social behavior is still poorly understood. In honeybees, reproductive investment decisions are made at the colony-level. Queens develop from female-destined larvae that receive alloparental care from nurse bees in the form of ad-libitum royal jelly (RJ) secretions. Typically, the number of raised new queens is limited but genetic breeding of "royal jelly bees" (RJBs) for enhanced RJ production over decades has led to a dramatic increase of reproductive investment in queens. Here, we compare RJBs to unselected Italian bees (ITBs) to investigate how their cognitive processing of larval signals in the mushroom bodies (MBs) and antennal lobes (ALs) may contribute to their behavioral differences. A cross-fostering experiment confirms that the RJB syndrome is mainly due to a shift in nurse bee alloparental care behavior. Using olfactory conditioning of the proboscis extension reflex, we show that the RJB nurses spontaneously respond more often to larval odors compared with ITB nurses but their subsequent learning occurs at similar rates. These phenotypic findings are corroborated by our demonstration that the proteome of the brain, particularly of the ALs differs between RJBs and ITBs. Notably, in the ALs of RJB newly emerged bees and nurses compared with ITBs, processes of energy and nutrient metabolism, signal transduction are up-regulated, priming the ALs for receiving and processing the brood signals from the antennae. Moreover, highly abundant major royal jelly proteins and hexamerins in RJBs compared with ITBs during early life when the nervous system still develops suggest crucial new neurobiological roles for these well-characterized proteins. Altogether, our findings reveal that RJBs have evolved a strong olfactory response to larvae, enabled by numerous neurophysiological adaptations that increase the nurse bees' alloparental care behavior.

High-speed analysis of large (prote)omics sample sets at the rate of thousands or millions of samples per day on a single platform has been a challenge since the beginning of proteomics. For many years, ESI-based MS methods have dominated proteomics because of their high sensitivity and great depth in analyzing complex proteomes. However, despite improvements in speed, ESI-based MS methods are fundamentally limited by their sample introduction, which excludes off-line sample preparation/fractionation because of the time required to switch between individual samples/sample fractions, and therefore being dependent on the speed of on-line sample preparation methods such as liquid chromatography. Laser-based ionization methods have the advantage of moving from one sample to the next without these limitations, being mainly restricted by the speed of modern sample stages, i.e. 10 ms or less between samples. This speed matches the data acquisition speed of modern high-performing mass spectrometers whereas the pulse repetition rate of the lasers (>1 kHz) provides a sufficient number of desorption/ionization events for successful ion signal detection from each sample at the above speed of the sample stages. Other advantages of laser-based ionization methods include the generally higher tolerance to sample additives and contamination compared with ESI MS, and the contact-less and pulsed nature of the laser used for desorption, reducing the risk of cross-contamination. Furthermore, new developments in MALDI have expanded its analytical capabilities, now being able to fully exploit high-performing hybrid mass analyzers and their strengths in sensitivity and MS/MS analysis by generating an ESI-like stable yield of multiply charged analyte ions. Thus, these new developments and the intrinsically high speed of laser-based methods now provide a good basis for tackling extreme sample analysis speed in the omics.

Extracellular vesicles (EVs) secreted by the epididymal epithelium transfer to spermatozoa key proteins that are essential in promoting motility and subsequent fertilization success. Using the domestic cat model, the objectives were to (1) characterize and compare protein content of EVs between segments of the epididymis, and (2) compare EV protein compositions between normo- and teratospermic individuals (producing >60% of abnormal spermatozoa). Epididymal EVs from adult cats were isolated and assessed via liquid chromatography tandem MS. Both male types shared 3008 proteins in total, with 98 and 20 EV proteins unique to normospermic and teratospermic males, respectively. Expression levels of several proteins changed between epididymal segments in both male types. Several proteins in both groups were related to sperm motility (e.g. hexokinase 1, adenylate kinase isoenzyme) and zona pellucida or oolemma binding (e.g. disintegrin and metalloproteinase domain proteins, zona binding proteins 1 and 2). Interestingly, seven cauda-derived EV proteins trended downward in teratospermic compared with normospermic males, which may relate to poor sperm quality. Collective results revealed, for the first time, EV proteins related to sequential sperm maturation with differences observed between normospermic and teratospermic individuals.

Endometrial carcinoma (EC) is the most common gynecologic malignancy in the United States, with limited effective targeted therapies. Endometrial tumors exhibit frequent alterations in protein kinases, yet only a small fraction of the kinome has been therapeutically explored. To identify kinase therapeutic avenues for EC, we profiled the kinome of endometrial tumors and normal endometrial tissues using Multiplexed Inhibitor Beads and Mass Spectrometry (MIB-MS). Our proteomics analysis identified a network of kinases overexpressed in tumors, including Serine/Arginine-Rich Splicing Factor Kinase 1 (SRPK1). Immunohistochemical (IHC) analysis of endometrial tumors confirmed MIB-MS findings and showed SRPK1 protein levels were highly expressed in endometrioid and uterine serous cancer (USC) histological subtypes. Moreover, querying large-scale genomics studies of EC tumors revealed high expression of SRPK1 correlated with poor survival. Loss-of-function studies targeting SRPK1 in an established USC cell line demonstrated SRPK1 was integral for RNA splicing, as well as cell cycle progression and survival under nutrient deficient conditions. Profiling of USC cells identified a compensatory response to SRPK1 inhibition that involved EGFR and the up-regulation of IGF1R and downstream AKT signaling. Co-targeting SRPK1 and EGFR or IGF1R synergistically enhanced growth inhibition in serous and endometrioid cell lines, representing a promising combination therapy for EC.

Plasmodium, the malaria parasite, undergoes a complex life cycle alternating between a vertebrate host and a mosquito vector of the genus Anopheles. In red blood cells of the vertebrate host, Plasmodium multiplies asexually or differentiates into gamete precursors, the male and female gametocytes, responsible for parasite transmission. Sexual stage maturation occurs in the midgut of the mosquito vector, where male and female gametes egress from the host erythrocytes to fuse and form a zygote. Gamete egress entails the successive rupture of two membranes surrounding the parasite, the parasitophorous vacuole membrane and the erythrocyte plasma membrane. In this study, we used the rodent model parasite Plasmodium berghei to design a label-free quantitative proteomic approach aimed at identifying gender-related proteins differentially released/secreted by purified mature gametocytes when activated to form gametes. We compared the abundance of molecules secreted by wild type gametocytes of both genders with that of a transgenic line defective in male gamete maturation and egress. This enabled us to provide a comprehensive data set of egress-related molecules and their gender specificity. Using specific antibodies, we validated eleven candidate molecules, predicted as either gender-specific or common to both male and female gametocytes. All of them localize to punctuate, vesicle-like structures that relocate to cell periphery upon activation, but only three of them localize to the gametocyte-specific secretory vesicles named osmiophilic bodies. Our results confirm that the egress process involves a tightly coordinated secretory apparatus that includes different types of vesicles and may put the basis for functional studies aimed at designing novel transmission-blocking molecules.

No abstract

Cover art by Julie Newdoll for MCP April issue.

Mass spectrometry-based glycoproteomics has gone through some incredible developments over the last few years. Technological advances in glycopeptide enrichment, fragmentation methods, and data analysis workflows have enabled the transition of glycoproteomics from a niche application, mainly focused on the characterization of isolated glycoproteins, to a mature technology capable of profiling thousands of intact glycopeptides at once. In addition to numerous biological discoveries catalyzed by the technology, we are also observing an increase in studies focusing on global protein glycosylation and the relationship between multiple glycosylation sites on the same protein. It has become apparent that just describing protein glycosylation in terms of micro- and macro-heterogeneity, respectively the variation and occupancy of glycans at a given site, is not sufficient to describe the observed interactions between sites. In this perspective we propose a new term, meta-heterogeneity, to describe a higher level of glycan regulation: the variation in glycosylation across multiple sites of a given protein. We provide literature examples of extensive meta-heterogeneity on relevant proteins such as antibodies, erythropoietin, myeloperoxidase and a number of serum and plasma proteins. Furthermore, we postulate on the possible biological reasons and causes behind the intriguing meta-heterogeneity observed in glycoproteins.

The histopathological subtype of lung adenocarcinoma (LUAD) is closely associated with prognosis. Micropapillary or solid predominant LUAD tends to relapse after surgery at an early stage, whereas lepidic pattern shows a favorable outcome. However, the molecular mechanism underlying this phenomenon remains unknown. Here, we recruited 31 lepidic predominant LUADs (LR: low-risk subtype group) and 28 micropapillary or solid predominant LUADs (HR: high-risk subtype group). Tissues of these cases were obtained and label-free quantitative proteomic and bioinformatic analyses were performed. Additionally, prognostic impact of targeted proteins was validated using The Cancer Genome Atlas databases (n=492) and tissue microarrays composed of early-stage LUADs (n=228). A total of 192 differentially expressed proteins were identified between tumor tissues of LR and HR and three clusters were identified via hierarchical clustering excluding eight proteins. Cluster 1 (65 proteins) showed a sequential decrease in expression from normal tissues to tumor tissues of LR and then to HR and was predominantly enriched in pathways such as tyrosine metabolism and ECM-receptor interaction, and increased matched mRNA expression of 18 proteins from this cluster predicted favorable prognosis. Cluster 2 (70 proteins) demonstrated a sequential increase in expression from normal tissues to tumor tissues of LR and then to HR and was mainly enriched in pathways such as extracellular organization, DNA replication and cell cycle, and high matched mRNA expression of 25 proteins indicated poor prognosis. Cluster 3 (49 proteins) showed high expression only in LR, with high matched mRNA expression of 20 proteins in this cluster indicating favorable prognosis. Furthermore, high expression of ERO1A and FEN1 at protein level predicted poor prognosis in early-stage LUAD, supporting the mRNA results. In conclusion, we discovered key differentially expressed proteins and pathways between low-risk and high-risk subtypes of early-stage LUAD. Some of these proteins could serve as potential biomarkers in prognostic evaluation.

Deep proteome coverage in bottom-up proteomics requires peptide-level fractionation to simplify the complex peptide mixture before analysis by tandem mass spectrometry. By decreasing the number of co-eluting precursor peptide ions, fractionation effectively reduces the complexity of the sample leading to higher sample coverage and reduced bias towards high abundance precursors that are preferentially identified in data-dependent acquisition strategies. To achieve this goal, we report a bead-based off-line peptide fractionation method termed CIF or Carboxylate modified magnetic bead-based isopropanol gradient peptide fractionation. CIF is an extension of the SP3 (single-pot solid-phase-enhanced sample preparation) strategy and provides an effective but complementary approach to other commonly used fractionation methods including strong cation exchange (SCX) and reversed phase (RP)-based chromatography. We demonstrate that CIF is an effective offline separation strategy capable of increasing the depth of peptide analyte coverage both when used alone or as a second dimension of peptide fractionation in conjunction with high pH RP. These features make it ideally suited for a wide range of proteomic applications including the affinity purification of low abundance bait proteins.

Belarusians’ views on the political crisis - April 2021 Other resource NCapeling 11 June 2021

Results of a public opinion poll conducted between 20 and 30 April 2021.

Chatham House surveyed a total of 937 respondents between 20 and 30 April 2021. Our survey sample corresponds to the general structure of Belarus’s urban population and is corrected and weighted by gender, age, size of respondents’ town of residence and education level.

Summary

• After Lukashenka, the most known political figures in Belarus are pro-protest politicians: Tsikhanouskaya, Babaryka, Tsikhanouski, Kalesnikava, Tsapkala and Latushka. Viktar Babaryka is the most popular presidential candidate among Belarusian urban citizens, and Lukashenka comes second to him.
• State organizations and bodies are still mistrusted by more than half the population, while the army is slightly more popular than other bodies. Independent media, labour unions and human rights organizations are trusted far more than state ones.
• Russia leads when it comes to positive attitudes to foreign states: one in three Belarusians feel very positive about their neighbour and 79 per cent feel positive in general. 71 per cent Belarusians feel positive about China, which is the next highest indicator. Despite propaganda efforts, Ukraine, Lithuania, Poland and EU states in general are still perceived positively by more than 60 per cent of Belarusians, with fewer than 20 per cent feeling negative about them.
• The position on Russian interference in the Belarusian political crisis is consolidated enough: 58 per cent think that Russia should remain neutral. The rest are almost equally divided between those who think Russia should support the protest movement (19 per cent) and those who think Russia should support Lukashenka (23 per cent).
• 40 per cent have changed their attitude to the Russian government since it supported Lukashenka in the crisis, and 73 per cent are sure that Russia is his sole support.
• While 32 per cent of Belarusians see union with Russia as the most appropriate foreign policy, 46 per cent would like to be in a union with both Russia and the EU simultaneously.
• Almost half the population thinks that Belarusian foreign policy in the event of a pro-protest government coming to power would be oriented toward friendship and cooperation with both Russia and the West, which correlates with how the majority thinks it should be. Although 42 per cent expect foreign policy would lean toward the EU in that situation, which is less acceptable: only 25 per cent think it ‘should’.
• The proportion of respondents who think Belarus should remain in the Collective Security Treaty Organization is 58 per cent, while 35 per cent would like to see Belarus not belonging to any military bloc and a small share (seven per cent) would prefer Belarus to join NATO.
• Almost half of the population considers Lukashenka to be the major obstacle for political stability and economic development and is sure he does not care about, and in fact is a threat to, independence.
• In general, most Belarusians have a consolidated opinion that the authorities should start negotiating with opponents and free all political prisoners.
• More than half of Belarusians think that Lukashenka must leave immediately or before the end of 2021, while 27 per cent think he should leave when his term ends in 2025. The opinion that Lukashenka should rule for another term beginning in 2025 is marginal – only ten per cent support this.
• Expectations are not so optimistic though: only 26 per cent believe he will leave office this year. One in three thinks he will leave in 2025; a further 19 per cent say that he will stay on for further terms in office.
• If Lukashenka doesn’t leave, people expect an increase in emigration and unemployment, the continuation of repression in all areas of life, falling exchange rates and the tightening of dependency on Russia.
• Opinion on abortions is still consolidated, with only 19 per cent thinking they should be banned in most or all cases. The same applies to Lukashenka’s infamous statement that society in Belarus is not ready to have a female president: only 20 per cent agree with the opinion.
• 52 per cent don’t think there is a problem of wage inequality between men and women in Belarus, while 37 per cent do see an issue.

Download a presentation of the survey’s main findings

Diagnosing social behavioural dynamics of corruption Other resource dora.popova 8 December 2021

This interactive toolkit identifies the types of social expectations which sustain selected corrupt practices and provides behaviourally-informed recommendations for changing them.

When tackling a problem as complex as corruption, it is important to understand why and how people behave in different situations where corruption occurs. In contexts where it is easier to engage in corruption than avoid it, identifying the social expectations and informal rules which sustain corrupt practices can advance corruption prevention and deepen collective action.  

Behavioural approaches to corruption offer a better understanding of diverse social settings, group dynamics, power distribution, social motivations, and expectations that contribute to a more tolerant environment for certain forms of the phenomenon. They are also highly complementary to traditional corruption measures, which tend to focus on the enforcement of legal sanctions and deterrents. Behavioural approaches, especially those inspired by social norms theory, highlight complex social characteristics and informal rules of specific corrupt practices, and effectively support implementation of more dynamic context-specific anti-corruption interventions.

Since 2016, the Chatham House Africa programme’s Social Norms and Accountable Governance (SNAG) project has adopted a behavioural approach based on social norms methodology to investigate the social beliefs which motivate different forms of corruption. Drawing on the project’s extensive evidence-gathering and analysis, this toolkit offers users navigable behavioural mapping of contextual factors, beliefs, and expectations surrounding common corrupt practices. 

It aims to support anti-corruption actors in diagnosing informal rules and social expectations which sustain corruption in some societies. It also proposes behavioural-informed guidance for developing or adapting anti-corruption interventions and activities, so they account for informal rules of behaviour such as social norms. 
 
The toolkit supports users to:

• Identify whether and how widespread corrupt practices are motivated by social beliefs and expectations.

• Understand how society influences the types of corrupt activity individuals engage in, or avoid, and the factors informing these choices

• Integrate empirical evidence and behavioural insights into anti-corruption strategies from diagnostics to design, and eventual implementation and evaluation

The toolkit presents evidence from SNAG’s research into three key corrupt practices – bribery, embezzlement, and electoral fraud. Each was examined in the context of typical situations in which they occur, such as law enforcement, healthcare, the power sector, voting, and education while critical factors such as religion, gender, and ethnicity were considered. 

The toolkit presents an overview of specific contexts and behavioural features of the practices and provides behavioural-informed recommendations. It also contains pop-up features with definitions and explanations of key concepts. The toolkit is designed to be expandable, allowing further content and behavioural dynamics to be added.   

Belarusians’ views on the political crisis - Nov 2021 Other resource NCapeling 20 January 2022

Results of a public opinion poll conducted between 1 and 10 November 2021.

Chatham House surveyed a total of 767 respondents between 1 and 10 November 2021. Our survey sample corresponds to the general structure of Belarus’s urban population and is adjusted by gender, age, education level and the size of respondents’ place of residence.

Summary

• After Aliaksandr Lukashenka, the most well-known political figures in Belarus are the protest leaders: Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Viktar Babaryka, Siarhei Tsikhanouski, Valery Tsapkala, Marya Kalesnikava and Pavel Latushka.
• Lukashenka and Babaryka have the highest popularity ratings among Belarus’s urban population. At the same time, Lukashenka has a high negative rating: half of the city residents surveyed say that they would never vote for him. Babaryka has one of the lowest negative ratings in the country.
• The popularity ratings of pro-government politicians are low, and their negative ratings remain extremely high, although the latter have decreased slightly in comparison with July 2021. The popularity ratings of protest leaders are significantly higher than those of politicians who support the current government.
• Trust in state and independent organizations is polarized along political lines. Thus, respondents classed as hardcore protesters do not trust state structures and do trust independent ones, while Lukashenka’s supporters hold the opposite positions.
• Belarusians’ geopolitical orientations remain stable. The most widely preferred option for a geopolitical union is simultaneous integration with the EU and Russia.
• Belarusians have become increasingly negative about the possibility that Russian airbases could be established on Belarusian territory (48 per cent in November 2021, compared to 39 per cent in July 2021).
• Belarusians are now feeling more strongly that the situation concerning the COVID-19 pandemic has worsened: in November, more than half were beginning to respond that Belarus is unable to cope with the spread of coronavirus.
• Sanctions against Lukashenka and those around him are supported more widely than sanctions against state enterprises.
• Belarusians feel there is acute social tension in their country: almost everyone surveyed states that social tension exists, while one in every five respondents considers the situation catastrophic. A perception that there is social tension is closely related to many factors, with the strongest of all being a sense of a lack of personal safety.
• Only one-third of Belarusians are prepared to call the state built under Lukashenka their own. Most of the survey respondents do not trust this state to some degree, and do not believe that the state protects the interests of Belarusian citizens.

Download a presentation of the survey’s main findings

• Belarusians’ views on the political crisis (PDF)

• Взгляды белорусов на политический кризис (PDF)

There is nothing quite like the excitement of discovery in science—of finding something no one else knew and seeing a story unfold. One has to be part of an emerging picture to feel the elation. These moments in a lifetime are few and far between, but they fuel enthusiasm and keep one going. They are embedded in struggles and joys of everyday life, years of establishing what Louis Pasteur called “the prepared mind,” working with mentors, trainees, and colleagues, failures and successes. This article recalls 1) how I got to be a biochemist; 2) my contributions as an educator and researcher, especially regarding meprin metalloproteases; and 3) my participation in communities of science. Perhaps my reflections will help an aspiring scientist see how fulfilling a career in science can be.

The Phillies have been the favorites in the Bryce Harper sweepstakes for months, and that speculation heated up over the weekend.

MLB.com looked at each team's two highest-ranked position players in WAR, according to the Steamer projections. Here are the top 10, but keep in mind that things could change once Manny Machado and Bryce Harper find homes.

MLB Network's countdown of baseball's best players at each position continued with the third installment of the "Top 10 Right Now!" series, featuring the game's top left and center fielders.

Shohei Ohtani, who is aiming for a return in May as a designated hitter but won't pitch in 2019, isn't able to participate in the on-field workouts with his teammates, but has progressed to swinging the bat and working out indoors.

Angels first baseman Albert Pujols met with the media for the first time this spring on Sunday and said he's fully healthy after undergoing arthroscopic surgery on his left knee in late August.

The Angels have a new closer in Cody Allen and there isn't any manager in baseball who knows him better than Indians skipper Terry Francona.

Mugabe’s Departure Ushers in a Heady New Era for Zimbabwe Expert comment sysadmin 23 November 2017

The country is experiencing an almost unprecedented convergence, with traditional political, economic and social fault lines bridged as Zimbabweans make common cause for change.

The ecstatic scenes said it all – Zimbabweans around the world are celebrating the resignation of Robert Mugabe as president. In January 1980, hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans thronged Zimbabwe Grounds stadium in Highfields township, Harare, to welcome Mugabe back from exile. In March 1980, with reggae icon Bob Marley and Britain’s Prince Charles in attendance, thousands filled Rufaro Stadium to witness the handover from Rhodesia to the new nation of Zimbabwe. Thirty-seven years later, the largest crowds Harare has ever witnessed flooded the streets once again; not to welcome Mugabe in, but to see him out. One simple, taut phrase summed up the day’s events: ‘This is our second independence day.’

How did it come to this?

History has been put on fast-forward, and left Zimbabwe – and the world – shaken. Just two weeks ago, it seemed to be the height of folly to think that Mugabe would leave office on any but his own terms. Emmerson Mnangagwa had been sacked as vice president, and his followers had been purged. Grace Mugabe, with ringing endorsements from the women’s and youth leagues, looked set to be elevated to the vice presidency at the ZANU-PF congress in less than a month’s time.

Mugabe was expected to stay until the 2018 elections, after which he would hand over the presidency to his wife. It was the prospect of Grace Mugabe becoming Zimbabwe’s next president which brought in the military. Aware that they had three weeks or less to prevent a dynastic succession and a looming purge of the military itself, Zimbabwe’s military chose, not the audacity of hope, but the hope of audacity, and launched Operation Restore Legacy to stop the rot.

What has happened in Zimbabwe is not a people’s revolution in the traditional sense. The Bourbons in France, the Romanov dynasty in Russia, the Shah of Iran, and the autocrats of north Africa’s Arab Spring were all felled by continuous street protests which ultimately received the support of the military.

In Zimbabwe it has been the military who have been the drivers of revolutionary change. What has happened is that an internal party-factional power struggle has inadvertently led to a military-guided popular revolution and the ousting of the Mugabes. Zimbabwe’s military, often seen as the guardians of the state, became instead the guardians of the people. They are seen, for now at least, as liberators, and national heroes. This has been a very Zimbabwean revolution.

So what next?

These are heady days. Zimbabwe is experiencing an almost unprecedented national convergence, with traditional political, economic and social fault lines bridged as Zimbabweans make common cause for change. It is not quite a ‘Zimbabwe Spring’, but it is perhaps a ‘Zimbabwe Sunrise’.

Parliament, which on Tuesday had met to impeach Robert Mugabe, is now installing, through constitutional procedures, Emmerson Mnangagwa as president, who will be given the mandate to form an interim government. Mnangagwa will be further ratified at the ZANU-PF Congress in December where he will be named and acclaimed as ZANU-PF’s candidate for the next general elections, which constitutionally are due by mid-2018 (although it is unclear whether this will indeed be the case).

Mnangagwa has a full in-tray. He needs to form a government quickly and has to balance the need for inclusivity and consultation, with the undoubted pressure to reward his followers. With Zimbabwe’s economy nearing paralysis, Zimbabwe’s new president will be under pressure to deliver. Although many are nervous about his history as Mugabe’s ally and his reputation for toughness, Mnangagwa is also an astute political survivor, and has been pro-business and supportive of Zimbabwe’s ongoing re-engagement with the global community.

Zimbabwe has become a cashless society not by design, but by default; with formal unemployment at 80 per cent and with a largely informalized economy in which much of Zimbabwe’s citizenry have been reduced to penury and classic short-termism, there is plenty for Zimbabwe’s next president to think about. Activists wonder whether he will try to introduce systemic change, or merely go through the motions. He may well face a binary choice between government or governance.

And yet there are also positives. Zimbabwe’s institutions have proven to be resilient, and there is still a reservoir of dedicated and competent professionals in both public and private sectors. Although still laggardly, Zimbabwe had begun to progress in ‘ease of doing business’ indices. There is a large diaspora who have continued to engage with Zimbabwe; and Zimbabwe’s recent ‘Look East’ and de facto ‘Look West’ re-engagement policies can be built upon.

Many are urging caution and saying that Zimbabwe needs a second, truly democratic revolution. Perhaps. But right now, Mnangagwa should be given a chance. Farai, a friend of mine in Harare, said this: ‘Yes we know this euphoria may be short-lived. But even if it turns out that we were only happy for a day, let’s make it a brilliant day. Rega tifare nhasi (Let us be happy today).’

A version of this article was first published by the Guardian.

Mugabe’s Fall Is a Wake-Up Call for Africa’s Leaders Expert comment sysadmin 27 November 2017

The continent’s long-standing leaders will come under increasing pressure to demonstrate their societal value. Some will become more oppressive; others may conclude that their time has expired.

The end of the Mugabe presidency in Zimbabwe – with the swearing in of Emmerson Mnangagwa in Harare on Friday – is being watched closely across Africa, and especially by its long-standing leaders.

Currently, 30 per cent of African countries are ruled by long-standing rulers, defined as heads of state that have ruled for more than 10 years. Africa is not unique in this respect (Central Asia also has its share of ageing leaders), but Africa has a long tradition, and about a fifth of all African heads of state since independence can be classified as long-standing.

A recent study, African Futures: Horizon 2025, by the European Union Institute of Security Studies (and which this writer contributed to), shows that long-standing rulers in Africa are reducing in number. President José Eduardo dos Santos of Angola stepped down voluntarily in September after almost 38 years in office, and Yahya Jammeh of Gambia was forced out after 23 years in office in early 2017. Robert Mugabe was forced out as leader earlier this week after 37 years.

This still leaves a cluster of other ageing leaders: Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea (38 years); Paul Biya of Cameroon (35 years); Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (31 years); Omar al-Bashir of Sudan (28 years); and eight others.

Many of them are coming under increased internal pressure. Demonstrations against Togo’s Faure Gnassingbé in Lome over the summer resulted in him agreeing that any future president could stand for only two terms. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Joseph Kabila is also under increased pressure to agree to elections, after 16 years in power.

Within all of this, there is a pattern of leaders in west and southern Africa adopting the principle of only serving two terms.

De-facto monarchies

Long-standing rulers still thrive in central Africa and its Great Lakes region. Presidents here have successfully changed constitutions to remain in office. They include Denis Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of the Congo and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. Zimbabwe will be a warning to them that they should not assume that they will be able to behave as de-facto monarchies, leaving office only after dying of natural causes and handing power over to their family.

Robert Mugabe’s intention to hand power to his wife, Grace, spectacularly backfired. As a couple of Zimbabwe military officials dryly commented: ‘Leadership is not sexually transmitted.’ Former president Hosni Mubarak in Egypt also miscalculated by trying to groom his son, although Ali Bongo Ondimba succeeded his father as president of Gabon after his father died. Equatorial Guinea is still heading for a crisis as President Obiang is grooming his deeply unpopular playboy son, Teodorin, to succeed him.

What Zimbabwe reminds us is that, with the exception of central Africa, there will be more long-standing leaders in Africa disappearing over the coming decade. This is due partly to pressure and partly to their ageing: 13 current long-standing rulers are aged between 65 and 84 years old. This means there will be more transitions taking place such as the one that occurred in Zimbabwe on Friday or the smooth one in Angola in September, when president dos Santos stepped down and handed power to João Lourenço.

This is good news for Africa, which has the most youthful and fastest-growing population in the world. It is the second-largest and second-most populated continent. More than 40 per cent of Africans are under 15, and 20 per cent are between 15 and 24. By 2050, one third of the world’s youth population will live in Africa, up from one fifth in 2012. This means a dramatic disconnect is developing between long-standing leaders and their population.

Generational politics was visible over the past week in Zimbabwe and in the end the older generation prevailed through military intervention. This is transitional politics, and there is likely to be more of it.

Increasing pressure

Other long-serving leaders like Museveni have watched closely. Museveni has already responded to shore up support of his military by giving them a significant pay rise. There is likely to be more investment in the military by Africa’s long-standing leaders in the coming months.

Change in Africa comes in fits and starts. The fall of Mugabe is a reminder that Africa is dynamic and change is occurring all the time. Africa’s long-standing leaders will come under increasing pressure to demonstrate their societal value. Some will become more oppressive; others may conclude that their time has expired and that they should welcome a transition.

This is the key lesson of Angola – where president dos Santos willingly retired after 37 years in power. Mugabe dreamed of dying in office and being succeeded by his wife – and was forced out by the military. I predict both models will be repeated in Africa in coming years.

This article was originally published in the Irish Times.

Zimbabwe After Mugabe Expert comment sysadmin 12 September 2019

He was the founding father of modern Zimbabwe, but he leaves behind a contested legacy and a country at a crossroads.

Robert Mugabe’s death at age 95, after nearly 60 years at the helm of Zimbabwe’s liberation and post-independence politics, is a momentous occasion. Mugabe was the founding father of modern Zimbabwe, with all its stunning successes and grievous failures. As he moves into national legend, contestations over his legacy demonstrate that, in death as in life, the man known as Gushungo (from his family lineage) still continues to polarize opinion.

His failings are well known, including the mass murders of more than 30,000 civilians in Matabeleland during the 1980s Gukurahundi campaigns, and the killings and torture of opposition activists in the 2000s and 2010s.

The land reform process, although necessary, was handled in a haphazard way, contributing to the economic crash and 2008’s ‘year zero’, when Zimbabwe was plagued with a worthless currency, no food in the shops, unsafe drinking water and the spread of cholera and typhoid.

Nevertheless, Mugabe is genuinely mourned by millions in Zimbabwe and beyond. Partly this is for what he achieved in building Zimbabwe’s education, health and economy, and for giving land – however haphazardly – to millions of Zimbabweans.

But it was his assertion of black and African identity and pride which made Mugabe connect with millions. I grew up in Ian Smith’s Rhodesia, where being a black African was, by law, a cardinal sin and, at times, a capital offence. Mugabe helped to make being black not just acceptable but also a cause for celebration.

What now for the country?

Mugabe continues to shape Zimbabwe’s politics. Emmerson Mnangagwa’s government has tried to differentiate itself from Mugabe’s administrations, avoiding his radical and ideologically driven language and policies. But Zimbabwe’s military, which played a critical role in Mugabe’s 2017 removal, remains influential over government policy.

Mnangagwa wants to be seen as a moderate, accessible for regular meetings with private sector and international investors through the Presidential Advisory Commission, the Tripartite Negotiating Forum, investment meetings and other forums.

Politically, Zimbabwe’s bipartisan Parliamentary Portfolio Committees have emerged over the past year as key institutions able to effectively hold the government and other institutions to account. Contentious Mugabe-era legislation such as the Public Order and Security Act has been revised in line with Zimbabwe’s constitution. And the ongoing multiparty dialogue is a useful start towards a much-needed national political dialogue.

Through its Transitional Stabilization Programme, the Mnangagwa administration has outlined an ambitious economic reform agenda. There has been some progress; in January, the government reported a $113 million budget surplus, and publicly available audits of state-owned enterprises by Public Auditor Mildred Chiri have exposed the rot at the heart of institutions such as the National Social Security Authority.

The government has streamlined bureaucracy and legislation to improve Zimbabwe’s business climate; and the newly empowered Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission has begun probing some high-profile fraud cases.

Zimbabwe’s global re-engagement with international financial institutions, a process which had stalled in Mugabe’s later years, is now making some progress, with Zimbabwe joining the Staff Monitored Programme with the IMF in mid-2019. The introduction of a new currency in February was designed to end the chaos of multiple US-dollar exchange rates and the dominance of the black market, but has had limited results.

Hardship

But the Mnangagwa administration’s attempts to stabilize the Zimbabwean economy have also included deep cuts in government spending, and the resulting austerity has brought severe hardship for ordinary Zimbabweans. Massive fuel, power and water shortages and the sky-rocketing cost of living are all reminiscent of the Mugabe era, damaging the credibility of the government’s promise of an economic dividend.

Shortages have also hit tourism, which had rebounded in recent years, and the new national currency initiative has pushed inflation to an official 180%. Violent urban protests took place in 2018 and 2019.

While government is right to commit to reforms, and has taken steps, such as cost-of-living allowances, to help mitigate the worst impacts, many Zimbabweans view the official ‘austerity for prosperity’ message with deep scepticism, and the current state of the economy has encouraged more young Zimbabweans to leave the country. Government and the business community need to prioritize people over statistics, and put social protection, anti-poverty programmes and economic democracy at the forefront of economic reform.

Getting public services working again will also require a broad national economic consensus and could look to capitalize on diaspora-led initiatives in education, agriculture, health and other sectors.

But this will require the opposition Movement for Democratic Change to recognize Mnangagwa’s legitimacy in return for substantive talks between government and the opposition and strengthened outreach to Zimbabwe’s nearly 5-million strong global diaspora, many in the United Kingdom, unsure of what tomorrow will bring, and an increasingly troubled South Africa.

The future

Robert Mugabe’s funeral will bring together the great and the good, not just from Zimbabwe but from all over the world. Robert Mugabe was always a voice and never an echo, and his passing, as with those of other Zimbabwean change-makers of all races and backgrounds, is an opportunity to reflect on the legacy of the liberation era.

But more importantly, it is also an opportunity to think about what lies ahead. Zimbabweans have proved to be resilient and innovative; but it will require a collective effort and a national re-engagement to ensure that Zimbabwe’s future is not its past. And with Mugabe now gone, the Zimbabwe government must prove that it can and will do better.

Can Liberation Movements Really Rid Southern Africa of Corruption? Expert comment sysadmin 16 December 2019

Southern Africa’s national liberation movements have survived ‘end of decade’ elections across the region. Combating corruption has been at the heart of many of the campaigns, but the question is can they succeed?

Swapo’s victory in Namibia two weeks ago was the last in a series of recent ‘end of decade’ elections that have returned dominant parties to power across Southern Africa. However, the “enduring appeal of liberation” is wearing thin.

Experiences across the region show that if governments are to deliver on their electoral promises, they must empower institutions, actively promote a culture of accountability and transparency within their party ranks and pursue economic reforms that untangle the web of party-state-business alliances. Such actions are critical for the survival of national liberation movements as the dominant force in the politics of Southern Africa – but will be difficult to implement.

Avoid political factionalism

South Africa, Botswana, Angola and Zimbabwe all saw new presidents take over just before elections. All used the rhetoric of anti-corruption to distance themselves from the tainted image of their predecessors. But acting on this requires a shift in mind-set in parties that have always preferred to deal with their problems behind closed doors. High profile adversaries from past regimes make tempting targets but could also drive party divisions.

In Angola, the transition of power was safeguarded by an agreement that former president José Eduardo dos Santos would be immune from prosecution. But this week his son faced corruption charges before the country’s supreme court, a high-profile example of a wave of anti-corruption cases across Southern Africa, driven by dominant parties wary of their future.

The allegations against José Filemino De Sousa Dos Santos, nickname ‘Zenu’, include a $500-million fraud involving the country’s central bank. Pressure is also mounting on Zenu’s sister Isabel — once prominent in Angola, she is now absent from public life.

Other leaders have had to tread more carefully. Immunity was a luxury Cyril Ramaphosa was neither willing nor politically able to grant Jacob Zuma in South Africa. Reliant on a few close allies at the top of the party, Ramaphosa lacks foot soldiers at the grassroots level, and his campaign against corruption within the ANC has faced persistent opposition.

Rebuilding institutions and empowering authorities takes time, and with few high-profile cases to point to, people are getting restless. This is also the case in Zimbabwe, where a worsening economic situation has left policy reformers politically isolated.

Party, state, and business

Long term incumbency has blurred the distinction between the party and the state. Liberation movements have created vast party-linked business empires. Political allegiance grants access to economic resources through appointments to lucrative positions in state-owned enterprises, preferential bids for tenders and licenses, and direct access to decision makers.

In Angola, this was fuelled by oil revenues. In South Africa, state capture flourished in an environment where the ANC and its constituent elements had significant power on the panels that chose leaders for state-owned enterprises (SOEs). In Namibia, an Icelandic fishing company paid backhanders to officials for fishing rights in what has become known as the ‘Fishrot’ scandal. Zanu-PF officials’ access to preferential foreign exchange rates present them with lucrative opportunities in Zimbabwe.

Ending this bureaucratic rent seeking goes beyond appointing ‘clean’ officials, which has been central to the anti-corruption campaigns in Angola and South Africa. Governments must also allow scrutiny of the state and empower those institutions designed for that role, such as the National Prosecuting Authority and the Public Protector in South Africa. Zimbabwe’s auditor general has published an in-depth report of the state of corruption in the country’s SOEs.

Companies must also be held to account for their role in aiding, and at worst directly benefitting, from state graft. International businesses have actively sought to benefit from corruption. They are now starting to face the consequences. A former Credit Suisse banker has pleaded guilty in the US over handling alleged kickbacks in Mozambique’s $2-billion “tuna bond” scandal. Global banks and consultancies continue to feel the squeeze for their complicity in state capture in South Africa.

Competition and pluralism

National liberation movements may only have a limited window within which to act. Across the region civil society campaigns and investigative journalists have shed light on some of the worst abuses of power. Anti-corruption campaigns are starting to bite. The state will continue to play a central role in Southern African economies, an important arbiter of economic transformation able to balance the region’s highly unequal and resource-dependent economies.

But opposition, civil society and the media are also critical for the progression towards democratic competition and pluralism in Southern Africa. Parliaments remain vital for holding rulers to account. Long used to unchallenged dominance, liberation movements have significant adjustments to make to rise to the challenge of a new era.

This article was originally published in the Mail and Guardian.

Webinar: South Africa's Economic Recovery Beyond COVID-19 27 May 2020 — 1:00PM TO 2:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 18 May 2020

Zimbabwe's Economy During the Coronavirus Pandemic and Beyond 8 September 2020 — 10:00AM TO 11:30AM Anonymous (not verified) 26 August 2020

COVID-19 has had a devastating effect on Zimbabwe’s already floundering economy. Important foreign currency earning industries have virtually stopped, and across the country livelihoods are at risk and an increasing number of people are reliant on government grants.

Businesses are having to become more flexible but are constrained by a weak policy environment and lack of confidence in the economy. Since 2017, the government has been pursuing an economic reform agenda and Transitional Stabilization Programme (TSP), which was scheduled for completion by the end of 2020. The deepening challenges highlight the need to accelerate economic reform and build confidence in order to achieve sustainable and inclusive growth.

At this webinar, speakers discuss the measures that government, businesses, and individuals are adopting in response to the COVID-19 economic challenge, and the policies required for recovery.

Read a meeting summary

This webinar is held in partnership with the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung.