ag PET Imaging of Pancreatic Dopamine D2 and D3 Receptor Density with 11C-(+)-PHNO in Type 1 Diabetes By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Type 1 diabetes mellitus (T1DM) has traditionally been characterized by a complete destruction of β-cell mass (BCM); however, there is growing evidence of possible residual BCM present in T1DM. Given the absence of in vivo tools to measure BCM, routine clinical measures of β-cell function (e.g., C-peptide release) may not reflect BCM. We previously demonstrated the potential utility of PET imaging with the dopamine D2 and D3 receptor agonist 3,4,4a,5,6,10b-hexahydro-2H-naphtho[1,2-b][1,4]oxazin-9-ol (11C-(+)-PHNO) to differentiate between healthy control (HC) and T1DM individuals. Methods: Sixteen individuals participated (10 men, 6 women; 9 HCs, 7 T1DMs). The average duration of diabetes was 18 ± 6 y (range, 14–30 y). Individuals underwent PET/CT scanning with a 120-min dynamic PET scan centered on the pancreas. One- and 2-tissue-compartment models were used to estimate pancreas and spleen distribution volume. Reference region approaches (spleen as reference) were also investigated. Quantitative PET measures were correlated with clinical outcome measures. Immunohistochemistry was performed to examine colocalization of dopamine receptors with endocrine hormones in HC and T1DM pancreatic tissue. Results: C-peptide release was not detectable in any T1DM individuals, whereas proinsulin was detectable in 3 of 5 T1DM individuals. Pancreas SUV ratio minus 1 (SUVR-1) (20–30 min; spleen as reference region) demonstrated a statistically significant reduction (–36.2%) in radioligand binding (HCs, 5.6; T1DMs, 3.6; P = 0.03). Age at diagnosis correlated significantly with pancreas SUVR-1 (20–30 min) (R2 = 0.67, P = 0.025). Duration of diabetes did not significantly correlate with pancreas SUVR-1 (20–30 min) (R2 = 0.36, P = 0.16). Mean acute C-peptide response to arginine at maximal glycemic potentiation did not significantly correlate with SUVR-1 (20–30 min) (R2 = 0.57, P = 0.05), nor did mean baseline proinsulin (R2 = 0.45, P = 0.10). Immunohistochemistry demonstrated colocalization of dopamine D3 receptor and dopamine D2 receptor in HCs. No colocalization of the dopamine D3 receptor or dopamine D2 receptor was seen with somatostatin, glucagon, or polypeptide Y. In a separate T1DM individual, no immunostaining was seen with dopamine D3 receptor, dopamine D2 receptor, or insulin antibodies, suggesting that loss of endocrine dopamine D3 receptor and dopamine D2 receptor expression accompanies loss of β-cell functional insulin secretory capacity. Conclusion: Thirty-minute scan durations and SUVR-1 provide quantitative outcome measures for 11C-(+)-PHNO, a dopamine D3 receptor–preferring agonist PET radioligand, to differentiate BCM in T1DM and HCs. Full Article
ag Appropriate Use Criteria for Imaging Evaluation of Biochemical Recurrence of Prostate Cancer After Definitive Primary Treatment By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Full Article
ag Prospective Evaluation of 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT in Biochemically Recurrent Prostate Cancer in an Academic Center: A Focus on Disease Localization and Changes in Management By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 18F-DCFPyL (2-(3-{1-carboxy-5-[(6-18F-fluoropyridine-3-carbonyl)-amino]-pentyl}-ureido)-pentanedioic acid) is a promising PET radiopharmaceutical targeting prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA). We present our experience with this single-academic-center prospective study evaluating the positivity rate of 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT in patients with biochemical recurrence (BCR) of prostate cancer (PC). Methods: We prospectively enrolled 72 men (52–91 y old; mean ± SD, 71.5 ± 7.2) with BCR after primary definitive treatment with prostatectomy (n = 42) or radiotherapy (n = 30). The presence of lesions compatible with PC was evaluated by 2 independent readers. Fifty-nine patients had scans concurrent with at least one other conventional scan: bone scanning (24), CT (21), MR (20), 18F-fluciclovine PET/CT (18), or 18F-NaF PET (14). Findings from 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT were compared with those from other modalities. Impact on patient management based on 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT was recorded from clinical chart review. Results: 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT had an overall positivity rate of 85%, which increased with higher prostate-specific antigen (PSA) levels (ng/mL): 50% (PSA < 0.5), 69% (0.5 ≤ PSA < 1), 100% (1 ≤ PSA < 2), 91% (2 ≤ PSA < 5), and 96% (PSA ≥ 5). 18F-DCFPyL PET detected more lesions than conventional imaging. For anatomic imaging, 20 of 41 (49%) CT or MRI scans had findings congruent with 18F-DCFPyL, whereas 18F-DCFPyL PET was positive in 17 of 41 (41%) cases with negative CT or MRI findings. For bone imaging, 26 of 38 (68%) bone or 18F-NaF PET scans were congruent with 18F-DCFPyL PET, whereas 18F-DCFPyL PET localized bone lesions in 8 of 38 (21%) patients with negative results on bone or 18F-NaF PET scans. In 8 of 18 (44%) patients, 18F-fluciclovine PET had located the same lesions as did 18F-DCFPyL PET, whereas 5 of 18 (28%) patients with negative 18F-fluciclovine findings had positive 18F-DCFPyL PET findings and 1 of 18 (6%) patients with negative 18F-DCFPyL findings had uptake in the prostate bed on 18F-fluciclovine PET. In the remaining 4 of 18 (22%) patients, 18F-DCFPyL and 18F-fluciclovine scans showed different lesions. Lastly, 43 of 72 (60%) patients had treatment changes after 18F-DCFPyL PET and, most noticeably, 17 of these patients (24% total) had lesion localization only on 18F-DCFPyL PET, despite negative results on conventional imaging. Conclusion: 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT is a promising diagnostic tool in the work-up of biochemically recurrent PC, given the high positivity rate as compared with Food and Drug Administration–approved currently available imaging modalities and its impact on clinical management in 60% of patients. Full Article
ag Prostate-Specific Membrane Antigen PET/CT Combined with Sentinel Node Biopsy for Primary Lymph Node Staging in Prostate Cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Our objective was to determine the diagnostic capabilities of combined prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) PET/CT and sentinel node (SN) biopsy in PSMA PET/CT–negative patients for primary lymph node (LN) staging in prostate cancer (PCa) patients. Methods: Between January 2017 and March 2019, retrospectively, all consecutive patients with diagnosed intermediate- or high-risk primary PCa who underwent preoperative PSMA PET/CT (68Ga or 18F-DCFPyL) followed by robot-assisted radical prostatectomy and extended pelvic LN dissection (ePLND) were included. All patients without suspected LN metastases on PSMA PET/CT were considered candidates for SN biopsy with indocyanine green–99mTc-nanocolloid or 99mTc-nanocolloid with free indocyanine green used as tracers. The ePLND was used as a reference standard. Results: Of 53 patients, 22 had positive PSMA PET/CT results and 31 underwent subsequent SN biopsy after negative PSMA PET/CT results. In total, 23 patients (43%) were pN1, of whom 6 (26%) had negative PSMA PET/CT results and underwent subsequent SN biopsy. The combined use of SN biopsy and PSMA PET/CT identified all pN1 patients (100% sensitivity; 95% confidence interval, 86%–100%) and performed correct nodal staging in 50 of 53 patients (94% diagnostic accuracy; 95% confidence interval, 84%–99%). SN biopsy identified significantly smaller LN metastases (median diameter, 2.0 mm; interquartile range, 1.0–3.8 mm) than PSMA PET/CT (median diameter, 5.5 mm; interquartile range, 2.6–9.3 mm; P = 0.007). Conclusion: Combining both modalities led to a 94% accuracy for nodal staging in diagnosed intermediate- and high-risk primary PCa. Adding SN biopsy in patients with negative PSMA PET/CT results increased the combined sensitivity to 100% for detecting nodal metastases at ePLND. This diagnostic accuracy may provide valuable information for directing further treatment in PCa patients, such as the use of PSMA PET/CT and SN biopsy rather than ePLND as the preferred approach for staging before radiotherapy. Full Article
ag Comparison of 3 Interpretation Criteria for 68Ga-PSMA11 PET Based on Inter- and Intrareader Agreement By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 PET using radiolabeled prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) is now being more widely adopted as a valuable tool to evaluate patients with prostate cancer (PC). Recently, 3 different criteria for interpretation of PSMA PET were published: the European Association of Nuclear Medicine (EANM) criteria, the Prostate Cancer Molecular Imaging Standardized Evaluation criteria, and the PSMA Reporting and Data System. We compared these 3 criteria in terms of interreader, intrareader, and intercriteria agreement. Methods: Data from 104 patients prospectively enrolled in research protocols at our institution were retrospectively reviewed. The cohort consisted of 2 groups: 47 patients (mean age, 64.2 y old) who underwent Glu-NH-CO-NH-Lys-(Ahx)-[68Ga(HBED-CC)] (68Ga-PSMA11) PET/MRI for initial staging of biopsy-proven intermediate- or high-risk PC, and 57 patients (mean age, 70.5 y old) who underwent 68Ga-PSMA11 PET/CT because of biochemically recurrent PC. Three nuclear medicine physicians independently evaluated all 68Ga-PSMA11 PET/MRI and PET/CT studies according to the 3 interpretation criteria. Two of them reevaluated all studies 6 mo later in the same manner and masked to the initial reading. The Gwet agreement coefficient was calculated to evaluate interreader, intrareader, and intercriteria agreement based on the following sites: local lesion (primary tumor or prostate bed after radical prostatectomy), lymph node metastases, and other metastases. Results: In the PET/MRI group, interreader, intrareader, and intercriteria agreement ranged from substantial to almost perfect for any site according to all 3 criteria. In the PET/CT group, interreader agreement ranged from substantial to almost perfect except for judgment of distant metastases based on the PSMA Reporting and Data System (Gwet agreement coefficient, 0.57; moderate agreement), in which the most frequent cause of disagreement was lung nodules. Intrareader agreement ranged from substantial to almost perfect for any site according to all 3 criteria. Intercriteria agreement for each site was also substantial to almost perfect. Conclusion: Although the 3 published criteria have good interreader and intrareader reproducibility in evaluating 68Ga-PSMA11 PET, there are some factors causing interreader disagreement. Further work is needed to address this issue. Full Article
ag Head-to-Head Comparison of 68Ga-PSMA-11 with 18F-PSMA-1007 PET/CT in Staging Prostate Cancer Using Histopathology and Immunohistochemical Analysis as a Reference Standard By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 18F-PSMA-1007 is a novel prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA)–based radiopharmaceutical for imaging prostate cancer (PCa). The aim of this study was to compare the diagnostic accuracy of 18F-PSMA-1007 with 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT in the same patients presenting with newly diagnosed intermediate- or high-risk PCa. Methods: Sixteen patients with intermediate- or high-risk PCa underwent 18F-PSMA-1007 and 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT within 15 d. PET findings were compared between the 2 radiotracers and with reference-standard pathologic specimens obtained from radical prostatectomy. The Cohen -coefficient was used to assess the concordance between 18F-PSMA-1007 and 68Ga-PSMA-11 for detection of intraprostatic lesions. The McNemar test was used to assess agreement between intraprostatic PET/CT findings and histopathologic findings. Sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value were reported for each radiotracer. SUVmax was measured for all lesions, and tumor-to-background activity was calculated. Areas under receiver-operating-characteristic curves were calculated for discriminating diseased from nondiseased prostate segments, and optimal SUV cutoffs were calculated using the Youden index for each radiotracer. Results: PSMA-avid lesions in the prostate were identified in all 16 patients with an almost perfect concordance between the 2 tracers ( ranged from 0.871 to 1). Aside from the dominant intraprostatic lesion, similarly detected by both radiotracers, a second less intense positive focus was detected in 4 patients only with 18F-PSMA-1007. Three of these secondary foci were confirmed as Gleason grade 3 lesions, whereas the fourth was shown on pathologic examination to represent chronic prostatitis. Conclusion: This pilot study showed that both 18F-PSMA-1007 and 68Ga-PSMA-11 identify all dominant prostatic lesions in patients with intermediate- or high-risk PCa at staging. 18F-PSMA-1007, however, may detect additional low-grade lesions of limited clinical relevance. Full Article
ag Cholecystokinin 2 Receptor Agonist 177Lu-PP-F11N for Radionuclide Therapy of Medullary Thyroid Carcinoma: Results of the Lumed Phase 0a Study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Treatment of patients with advanced medullary thyroid carcinoma (MTC) is still a challenge. For more than 2 decades, it has been known that the cholecystokinin 2 receptor is a promising target for the treatment of MTC with radiolabeled minigastrin analogs. Unfortunately, kidney toxicity has precluded their therapeutic application so far. In 6 consecutive patients, we evaluated with advanced 3-dimensional dosimetry whether improved minigastrin analog 177Lu-DOTA-(d-Glu)6-Ala-Tyr-Gly-Trp-Nle-Asp-PheNH2 (177Lu-PP-F11N) is a suitable agent for the treatment of MTC. Methods: Patients received 2 injections of about 1 GBq (~80 μg) of 177Lu-PP-F11N with and without a solution of succinylated gelatin (SG, a plasma expander used for nephroprotection) in a random crossover sequence to evaluate biodistribution, pharmacokinetics, and tumor and organ dosimetry. An electrocardiogram was obtained and blood count and blood chemistry were measured up to 12 wk after the administration of 177Lu-PP-F11N to assess safety. Results: In all patients, 177Lu-PP-F11N accumulation was visible in tumor tissue, stomach, and kidneys. Altogether, 13 tumors were eligible for dosimetry. The median absorbed doses for tumors, stomach, kidneys, and bone marrow were 0.88 (interquartile range [IQR]: 0.85–1.04), 0.42 (IQR: 0.25–1.01), 0.11 (IQR: 0.07–0.13), and 0.028 (IQR: 0.026–0.034) Gy/GBq, respectively. These doses resulted in median tumor-to-kidney dose ratios of 11.6 (IQR: 8.11–14.4) without SG and 13.0 (IQR: 10.2–18.6) with SG; these values were not significantly different (P = 1.0). The median tumor-to-stomach dose ratio was 3.34 (IQR: 1.14–4.70). Adverse reactions (mainly hypotension, flushing, and hypokalemia) were self-limiting and not higher than grade 1. Conclusion: 177Lu-PP-F11N accumulates specifically in MTC at a dose that is sufficient for a therapeutic approach. With a low kidney and bone marrow radiation dose, 177Lu-PP-F11N shows a promising biodistribution. The dose-limiting organ is most likely the stomach. Further clinical studies are necessary to evaluate the maximum tolerated dose and the efficacy of 177Lu-PP-F11N. Full Article
ag First-in-Humans Imaging with 89Zr-Df-IAB22M2C Anti-CD8 Minibody in Patients with Solid Malignancies: Preliminary Pharmacokinetics, Biodistribution, and Lesion Targeting By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Immunotherapy is becoming the mainstay for treatment of a variety of malignancies, but only a subset of patients responds to treatment. Tumor-infiltrating CD8-positive (CD8+) T lymphocytes play a central role in antitumor immune responses. Noninvasive imaging of CD8+ T cells may provide new insights into the mechanisms of immunotherapy and potentially predict treatment response. We are studying the safety and utility of 89Zr-IAB22M2C, a radiolabeled minibody against CD8+ T cells, for targeted imaging of CD8+ T cells in patients with cancer. Methods: The initial dose escalation phase of this first-in-humans prospective study included 6 patients (melanoma, 1; lung, 4; hepatocellular carcinoma, 1). Patients received approximately 111 MBq (3 mCi) of 89Zr-IAB22M2C (at minibody mass doses of 0.2, 0.5, 1.0, 1.5, 5, or 10 mg) as a single dose, followed by PET/CT scans at approximately 1–2, 6–8, 24, 48, and 96–144 h after injection. Biodistribution in normal organs, lymph nodes, and lesions was evaluated. In addition, serum samples were obtained at approximately 5, 30, and 60 min and later at the times of imaging. Patients were monitored for safety during infusion and up to the last imaging time point. Results: 89Zr-IAB22M2C infusion was well tolerated, with no immediate or delayed side effects observed after injection. Serum clearance was typically biexponential and dependent on the mass of minibody administered. Areas under the serum time–activity curve, normalized to administered activity, ranged from 1.3 h/L for 0.2 mg to 8.9 h/L for 10 mg. Biodistribution was dependent on the minibody mass administered. The highest uptake was always in spleen, followed by bone marrow. Liver uptake was more pronounced with higher minibody masses. Kidney uptake was typically low. Prominent uptake was seen in multiple normal lymph nodes as early as 2 h after injection, peaking by 24–48 h after injection. Uptake in tumor lesions was seen on imaging as early as 2 h after injection, with most 89Zr-IAB22M2C–positive lesions detectable by 24 h. Lesions were visualized early in patients receiving treatment, with SUV ranging from 5.85 to 22.8 in 6 target lesions. Conclusion: 89Zr-IAB22M2C imaging is safe and has favorable kinetics for early imaging. Biodistribution suggests successful targeting of CD8+ T-cell–rich tissues. The observed targeting of tumor lesions suggests this may be informative for CD8+ T-cell accumulation within tumors. Further evaluation is under way. Full Article
ag 18F-FET PET Imaging in Differentiating Glioma Progression from Treatment-Related Changes: A Single-Center Experience By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 In glioma patients, differentiation between tumor progression (TP) and treatment-related changes (TRCs) remains challenging. Difficulties in classifying imaging alterations may result in a delay or an unnecessary discontinuation of treatment. PET using O-(2-18F-fluoroethyl)-l-tyrosine (18F-FET) has been shown to be a useful tool for detecting TP and TRCs. Methods: We retrospectively evaluated 127 consecutive patients with World Health Organization grade II–IV glioma who underwent 18F-FET PET imaging to distinguish between TP and TRCs. 18F-FET PET findings were verified by neuropathology (40 patients) or clinicoradiologic follow-up (87 patients). Maximum tumor-to-brain ratios (TBRmax) of 18F-FET uptake and the slope of the time–activity curves (20–50 min after injection) were determined. The diagnostic accuracy of 18F-FET PET parameters was evaluated by receiver-operating-characteristic analysis and 2 testing. The prognostic value of 18F-FET PET was estimated using the Kaplan–Meier method. Results: TP was diagnosed in 94 patients (74%) and TRCs in 33 (26%). For differentiating TP from TRCs, receiver-operating-characteristic analysis yielded an optimal 18F-FET TBRmax cutoff of 1.95 (sensitivity, 70%; specificity, 71%; accuracy, 70%; area under the curve, 0.75 ± 0.05). The highest accuracy was achieved by a combination of TBRmax and slope (sensitivity, 86%; specificity, 67%; accuracy, 81%). However, accuracy was poorer when tumors harbored isocitrate dehydrogenase (IDH) mutations (91% in IDH-wild-type tumors, 67% in IDH-mutant tumors, P < 0.001). 18F-FET PET results correlated with overall survival (P < 0.001). Conclusion: In our neurooncology department, the diagnostic performance of 18F-FET PET was convincing but slightly inferior to that of previous reports. Full Article
ag Diagnostic Accuracy of PET Tracers for the Differentiation of Tumor Progression from Treatment-Related Changes in High-Grade Glioma: A Systematic Review and Metaanalysis By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Posttreatment high-grade gliomas are usually monitored with contrast-enhanced MRI, but its diagnostic accuracy is limited as it cannot adequately distinguish between true tumor progression and treatment-related changes. According to recent Response Assessment in Neuro-Oncology recommendations, PET overcomes this limitation. However, it is currently unknown which tracer yields the best results. Therefore, a systematic review and metaanalysis were performed to compare the diagnostic accuracy of the different PET tracers in differentiating tumor progression from treatment-related changes in high-grade glioma patients. Methods: PubMed, Web of Science, and Embase were searched systematically. Study selection, data extraction, and quality assessment were performed independently by 2 authors. Metaanalysis was performed using a bivariate random-effects model when at least 5 studies were included. Results: The systematic review included 39 studies (11 tracers). 18F-FDG (12 studies, 171 lesions) showed a pooled sensitivity and specificity of 84% (95% confidence interval, 72%–92%) and 84% (95% confidence interval, 69%–93%), respectively. O-(2-18F-fluoroethyl)-l-tyrosine (18F-FET) (7 studies, 172 lesions) demonstrated a sensitivity of 90% (95% confidence interval, 81%–95%) and specificity of 85% (95% confidence interval, 71%–93%). For S-11C-methyl)-l-methionine (11C-MET) (8 studies, 151 lesions), sensitivity was 93% (95% confidence interval, 80%–98%) and specificity was 82% (95% confidence interval, 68%–91%). The numbers of included studies for the other tracers were too low to combine, but sensitivity and specificity ranged between 93%–100% and 0%–100%, respectively, for 18F-FLT; 85%–100% and 72%–100%, respectively, for 3,4-dihydroxy-6-18F-fluoro-l-phenylalanine (18F-FDOPA); and 100% and 70%–88%, respectively, for 11C-choline. Conclusion: 18F-FET and 11C-MET, both amino-acid tracers, showed a comparably higher sensitivity than 18F-FDG in the differentiation between tumor progression and treatment-related changes in high-grade glioma patients. The evidence for other tracers is limited; thus, 18F-FET and 11C-MET are preferred when available. Our results support the incorporation of amino-acid PET tracers for the treatment evaluation of high-grade gliomas. Full Article
ag Congressional Briefing: Diagnostic Imaging and Alzheimer Disease By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-01T06:00:28-07:00 Full Article
ag Opioid agonist treatment and risk of mortality during opioid overdose public health emergency: population based retrospective cohort study By feeds.bmj.com Published On :: Tuesday, March 31, 2020 - 09:36 Full Article
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ag Sagicor raises doubt about Scotia Life T&T deal By jamaica-gleaner.com Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 00:09:28 -0500 Sagicor Finance Company has raised doubt about whether the deal to acquire the assets of Scotia Life Trinidad... Full Article
ag Facing forex shortage, productive sector appeals to BOJ for help By jamaica-gleaner.com Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 00:17:12 -0500 WITH THE productive sector experiencing a shortage of foreign exchange for the past two months, the Jamaican Manufacturers and Exporters Association, JMEA, says it has appealed to the Bank of Jamaica, BOJ, for direct access to US currency for three... Full Article
ag Challenges and Opportunities in the Fight Against Corruption By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 13 Nov 2019 15:40:01 +0000 Members Event 9 December 2019 - 6:30pm to 7:30pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Rory Stewart, Member of Parliament for Penrith and The Border (2010-19); Secretary of State for International Development (2019)Chair: Daniel Bruce, Chief Executive, Transparency International UK Drawing on his experience in government, Rory Stewart shares his observations into the impact corruption can have on society.This event is organized in association with Transparency International UK as part of Transparency International UK’s Annual Lecture series. Members Events Team Email Full Article
ag How Can the EU Learn the Language of Power? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 03 Dec 2019 09:51:04 +0000 3 December 2019 Vassilis Ntousas Stavros Niarchos Foundation Academy Fellow, Europe Programme @vntousas LinkedIn The new EU foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, has an eye-catching declaration of intent. But what does it mean in practice? 2019-12-03-Borrell.jpg High Representative of the Union for Foreign Policy and Security Policy Josep Borrell answers the questions of members of the European Parliament in Brussels in October. Photo: Getty Images. The new European Commission has finally started its work this week. In a world increasingly defined by great power competition and deprived of the certainties of a strong transatlantic partnership, this might well be the first commission where foreign and security policy issues will be equally important to internal EU ones.Amid an escalating Sino-American rivalry, there is a growing realization in Brussels that something has to change in the way the EU thinks and acts internationally.Charting a more successful path forward will not be easy. Josep Borrell, the EU’s new high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, during his confirmation hearing, offered a hint as to what might be needed to get there: ‘The EU has to learn to use the language of power.”’What might this mean in practice?Four issues illustrate some of the key dilemmas ahead for the EU and its new executive.Hard powerThe most revealing of these concerns hard power.For a union so addicted to the US security guarantee, and so used to the softer approaches of exercising its influence, this was always going to be a difficult discussion. The recent disagreement between Germany and France over the future of NATO gave a taste of how fraught and complex this discussion can be.Underpinning it are three fundamental questions. If the EU has to enhance its capacity to defend its interests with military power, how (and how quickly) is it to move ahead, how much additional responsibility will that mean and to what degree will this responsibility need to be shouldered autonomously, potentially distancing itself from NATO or Washington? Moving forward with this agenda while balancing the competing interests of member states and preserving the fragile progress already achieved with initiatives such as PESCO will not be easy.Discussion and debate among member states should not be discouraged, but the new commission has a role to play in ensuring that such discussion is constructive. Distracting talks about an EU army or a nuclear ‘Eurodeterrent’ should be shelved, with the focus as much as possible on acquiring tangible capabilities, getting the defence architecture right, ensuring operational readiness and spending defence budgets smartly.How to use powerGreat powers have traditionally been able to cooperate in certain areas while competing in others. Given their wide reach, powers like the US have generally not allowed disagreement on one issue to interfere with the ability to work together on others.If the EU aspires to be a more assertive global player, it will need to grow comfortable with this compartmentalization. For example, if Brussels wants to stand up to Beijing regarding human rights, the South China Sea or issues of acquisition of European infrastructure, this should not mean that cooperation on areas such as peacekeeping, arms control or climate change needs to be blocked.Footing the billUrsula von der Leyen, the new commission president, has announced that she wants an increase of 30% for external action in the 2021–27 Multi-annual Financial Framework (the EU budget). But with the Brexit budget gap looming, and little appetite to increase contributions or reduce the funds allocated to costly schemes, like the Common Agricultural Policy, compromises will have to be made for this to happen.This will be one of the first key tests for the new commission. Power costs money, not just gestures, and therefore specific commitments already made under the Juncker mandate regarding the European Defence Fund or the new Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument need to be guaranteed, if not expanded.Internal politicsNone of these steps are possible if the internal workings of the EU become too dysfunctional. A stronger stance internationally would make the sometime incoherence of internal EU management more of a liability to the bloc’s credibility. For example, how can the EU advocate for the rule of law beyond its borders while some of its own member states violate the same principles? And there remains the perpetual question of how much more power member states are willing to cede – if any – to deliver faster and more efficient decision-making. If the bloc’s reflexes – often slow, consensual and risk averse – are out of place with the role of a modern great power, how does the commission envision introducing decision-making mechanisms, like qualified majority voting, in foreign and security policy matters?Borrell’s résumé shows his extensive experience in handling critical policy dossiers. He is also expected to travel less than his predecessor, being mindful of the even heavier institutional work ahead, not least in working with a more politically fragmented European Council and a more politicized European Parliament.Ultimately, learning the language of power might mean that the EU finally deals with the basics of international affairs as a coherent and cohesive actor, rather than as an occasional ensemble. This endeavour clearly lacks a fixed path or destination. But the new commission seems to be mindful that the EU will have to find new ways to use power as the world changes around it. In doing so, it should keep in mind that the language of power is best articulated not with words, but with actions. Full Article
ag Don’t Be Afraid of Political Fragmentation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Dec 2019 11:00:17 +0000 16 December 2019 Pepijn Bergsen Research Fellow, Europe Programme @pbergsen LinkedIn If managed correctly, splintering and more volatile political systems – so-called ‘Dutchification’ – need not be a ticket to political and policy paralysis. 2019-12-16-Dutch-Election.jpg Voters cast their vote as part of the Dutch general elections on March 15, 2017 at a polling station in a mill in Oisterwijk. Photo by ROB ENGELAAR/AFP via Getty Images. In recent decades, political party systems across Europe have fragmented and electoral volatility has increased. The number of parties represented in parliaments across the continent has grown and the formerly dominant mainstream parties have seen their support base collapse, forcing parties into often uncomfortable and unstable coalitions.From the United Kingdom to Germany, politicians and commentators talk of such scenarios in often apocalyptic terms and associate it with political instability and policy paralysis.They shouldn’t. Instead they should focus their energy on making these increasingly competitive political markets work.The Netherlands is frequently held up as a prime example of this process, which is therefore sometimes referred to as ‘Dutchification’. Its highly proportional political system has created the opportunity for new parties and specific interest groups to win parliamentary representation, ranging from an animal rights party and a party catering specifically to the interests of the elderly.This has been accompanied by increased electoral volatility. In the 1970s, less than 15% of seats in the Dutch parliament would change party at any election, but in the last election in 2017, this was just over a quarter. The system also created space for the relatively early rise of populist far-right parties, though it was not the cause of their rise.Nevertheless, despite the regularly difficult coalition politics, it remains one of the most well-governed countries in the world.A short history of fragmentationLooking at the effective number of parties represented in parliaments, the number of parties, corrected for their size, provides a good measure of the extent of fragmentation. In the Netherlands this steadily increased from around four in the 1980s to over eight following the election in 2017. Even the populist far-right vote has fragmented, with two parties partly competing for the same electorate. In other countries it has been a more recent phenomenon. Spain remained a de facto two-party system until the financial crisis. Dissatisfaction with both mainstream parties has seen challenger parties on both the left and the right attract significant support, making it harder to form stable coalitions. Political fragmentation decreased slightly in Italy in recent years, but that was from a high base as it shot up in the early 1990s when the post-war political settlement crumbled.German politics, long a hallmark of stability, is struggling with the decrease in support for the parties that dominated its political scene in the post-war period. The Christian Democrats and Social Democrats only barely managed to win a majority together in the election in 2017, at 53.4% of the vote compared with the 81.3% achieved 30 years earlier. The latest polls suggest they would only get to 40% together if an election were held today.A similar trend is visible within the European Parliament. Whereas the two largest groups in the European Parliament, the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats, together won 66% of the vote in the election in 1999, they did not even manage to win a majority together in 2019, taking just 39.5% of the vote.No crisis of democracyIf electoral volatility and political fragmentation does indeed constitute some sort of crisis of democracy, we should expect to see voters become unhappy about how their national democracy functions. Largely, the opposite seems to be the case.In the Netherlands, satisfaction with its democracy went up at the same time as Dutchification did its work. Similar trends are visible in other highly fragmented European political systems, often those with very proportional systems. Despite regular minority governments, satisfaction with democracy is above 90% in Denmark and at 80% in Sweden, according to the latest Eurobarometer data.In comparison, it stood at 52% in the United Kingdom and 53% in France, where the electoral system has, at least on the surface, prevented the kind of fragmentation supposedly plaguing proportional systems.Satisfaction with democracy seems to be affected by a number of factors. This includes the state of the economy, particularly in countries that were hit the hardest by the global financial and euro zone crises. Nevertheless, the data suggests that, even if we can’t say that Dutchification by definition leads to more satisfaction with democracy, it is clearly not associated with falling faith in the system.A competitive political marketDutchification should be seen as accompanying a more competitive political marketplace. A more emancipated, demanding and politically engaged electorate than in the post-war decades is willing to shop around instead of merely vote according to socioeconomic class or other dividing lines, such as religious ones. The fragmented parliaments that emerge as a result provide better representation of different groups within European societies.This makes life harder for Europe’s political parties and politicians, as they juggle large coalitions, or changing coalitions under minority governments, but provides voters with more choice and democratic renewal. If handled correctly this would also allow more responsiveness to shifts in public opinion.Such democratic creative destruction in competitive political markets is to be celebrated in a well-functioning democracy. Just as companies prefer to operate in an oligopoly, political parties prefer the stability of limited political competition. But wishing for this kind of stability comes perilously close to preferring stability over proper representation.Worrying about Dutchification risks confusing a crisis of the traditional mainstream parties with a crisis of democracy. For some countries, particularly those like the Netherlands and Denmark which have longer histories of consensus-based politics and coalition building, this is an easier adjustment. But this should not be an excuse to not attempt to make politics work better as they were forced to go through, arguably still ongoing, adjustment processes too.Instead of investing in futile attempts to get back to how things were in the old days, or hoping this will somehow magically happen, political leaders and parties across Europe need to reassess how they deal with the new reality of Dutchification. Full Article
ag The UK, US and Mauritius: Decolonization, Security, Chagos and the ICJ By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 22 Jan 2020 13:35:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 30 January 2020 - 8:15am to 9:15am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Professor Philippe Sands QC, Professor of Law, UCL Richard Burt, Managing Partner, McLarty AssociatesChair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Director, US and Americas Programme; Dean, Queen Elizabeth II Academy, Chatham House The Chagos archipelago in the Indian Ocean has garnered media attention recently after the UK failed to abide by a UN deadline to return the islands to Mauritius. The US has landed in the middle of the dispute as a 1965 agreement with the UK has allowed the US to establish a military base on one of the islands, Diego Garcia, which has since become instrumental in US missions in the Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. In February 2019, an Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found that the Chagos archipelago was unlawfully dismembered from Mauritius, in violation of the right to self-determination and that the United Kingdom is under an obligation to end its administration of the Chagos archipelago ‘as rapidly as possible’. The UN General Assembly subsequently voted overwhelmingly in favour of the UK leaving the islands by the end of November 2019 and the right of the former residents who were removed by the UK to return. The UK does not accept the ICJ and UN rulings and argues that the islands are needed to protect Britain from security threats while Mauritius has made clear the base can remain.Professor Philippe Sands QC, professor of law at University College London and lead counsel for Mauritius on the ICJ case on Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius in 1965, will be joining Ambassador Richard Burt, US chief negotiator in the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the former Soviet Union for a discussion on the fate of the archipelago including the future of the military base and the right of return of former residents. Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project US and the Americas Programme US and Americas Programme Email Full Article
ag Maintaining Connections: How Might the UK Remain Engaged in the EU's Climate and Energy Strategies? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 23 Jan 2020 10:35:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 3 March 2020 - 10:30am to 12:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE As the UK leaves the EU and the formal negotiations on the future relationship begins, this workshop will discuss any immediate changes and review the short and medium term impacts of Brexit on the energy sector. The workshop will look to cover:The implications for UK business and system operations of the UK leaving the Internal Energy Market.Current and future investment trends in the UK energy system.The trade of electricity and gas over inter-connectors.The need for the development of a new EU-UK operational framework mechanism.The UK's EU withdrawal agreement and the operation of the Single Electricity Market (SEM) across Ireland. Options for the UK outside of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) and the impact on carbon prices.This workshop is part of a programme funded by the UK Energy Research Centre on Brexit and the UK’s Net Zero Energy Policy being run by the University of Warwick and Chatham House.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme Chloé Prendleloup Email Full Article
ag Virtual Breakfast: Engaging with the EU From the Outside: A Perspective From Norway By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Apr 2020 14:45:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 24 April 2020 - 8:30am to 9:30am Event participants Niels Engelschiøn, Director-General, Department for European Affairs, Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsChair: Dr Robin Niblett, Director; Chief Executive, Chatham House Please note this an online-only event.Norway is one of the few European countries that remains outside of the European Union. After the country’s population rejected the prospect of joining the EU twice, Norway’s relationship with the Union has been based on its membership of the European Economic Area (EEA), alongside Iceland and Liechtenstein.The ‘Norway Model’ was often mentioned in the run up to the Brexit vote as a possible basis for Britain’s future relationship with the bloc, not least because it offers the least disruption to the current arrangement. Equally, Norway is not subject to the EU fisheries policy - an anticipated major issue in the next phase of Brexit talks. Nor is it part of the EU Customs Union.Even though Prime Minister Johnson has now ruled out the type of deep economic and regulatory integration with the EU that Norway enjoys through its EEA membership, the country’s experience can still offer valuable lessons for the UK as it prepares to exit the transition period at the end of 2020.In this session, the speaker will share Norway’s experience as a long-standing EEA member and discuss the challenges of engaging with the EU from the outside. What lessons can Norway offer the UK ahead of the negotiations on the future of UK-EU relations? What are the limits of its current arrangement with the EU? And is there any appetite among the Norwegian population to revisit it? Department/project Europe Programme, Britain and Europe: The Post-Referendum Agenda Alina Lyadova Europe Programme Coordinator Email Full Article
ag Virtual Breakfast: Europe in the Age of COVID-19: Priorities and Debates By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 12:15:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 6 May 2020 - 9:00am to 10:00am Event participants Duncan Robinson, Charlemagne Columnist; Brussels Bureau Chief, the EconomistChair: Pepijn Bergsen, Research Fellow, Europe Programme, Chatham House The new European Commission had a bold new agenda when it began its work in December 2019, with climate change, digital transformation and strengthening European democracy among its priorities. Less than six months later, the European continent is in the midst of the worst crisis since the second World War and business as usual has been taken over by crisis management.Has COVID-19 monopolized the agenda in Brussels? What priorities are still on the table and what debates have fallen victim to the coronavirus? Is the current crisis reigniting and exacerbating existing faultlines in the EU or creating new ones?Reflecting on his first four months as the Economist’s Charlemagne columnist, the speaker will share what decision-making in Brussels looks like during a pandemic and what debates are dominating conversations in the EU capital today. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Europe Programme, Britain and Europe: The Post-Referendum Agenda Alina Lyadova Europe Programme Coordinator Email Full Article
ag The EU’s Un-Common Agricultural Policy By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 27 Sep 2019 12:50:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 21 October 2019 - 8:30am to 10:00am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Ian Mitchell, Co-Director, Development Cooperation in Europe; Senior Policy Fellow and Associate Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Department, Chatham HouseChair: Ana Yang, Head of Land Use and Food Systems, Hoffmann Centre for Sustainable Resource Economy, Chatham House Despite its name, the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) provides support to the agricultural sector that varies widely between the 27 member states. The OECD calculates the extent of this support at the EU level but members have blocked the organization calculating support levels for individual EU members. Overall, the EU’s producer support is equivalent to 20 per cent of farm income which is well-above the levels seen in the US at 12.2 per cent and China at 14.3 per cent. This roundtable will discuss the first estimates of support levels by EU countries produced by Ian Mitchell from the Center for Global Development. It will look at both direct subsidies under the CAP and those that inflate market prices. The discussion will consider the implications for EU finance, for the potential role of EU subsidy reform and for the UK’s options after Brexit. Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Sustainable Transitions Series Chloé Prendleloup Email Full Article
ag Negative Emissions and Managing Climate Risks Scenarios By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 31 Oct 2019 18:15:01 +0000 Research Event 4 July 2019 - 1:30pm to 5:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE This half-day strategic workshop, organized by Chatham House and E3G, brought together key climate experts, policymakers and influential actors, especially in Europe, for a focused and facilitated discussion on the roles, risks and potentials of negative emissions technologies (NETs). An interactive scenario exercise will be conducted, drawing on a climate simulation tool developed by Climate Interactive, to consider the potential roles and risks of different NETs deployments to meet the Paris Agreement targets and to consider the international co-operation required to manage the pathway to net-zero emissions. Participants will explore the political opportunities, discuss different scenarios and risks and identify areas of interventions and collective action.The meeting is part of a series of events being held at Chatham House as part of London Climate Action Week (LCAW). Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Bioenergy, Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS) Full Article
ag Net Zero and Beyond: What Role for Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 06 Jan 2020 13:55:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 23 January 2020 - 8:30am to 10:00am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Richard King, Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Department, Chatham HouseChair: Duncan Brack, Associate Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Department, Chatham House In the context of the feasibility of reducing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero, policymakers are beginning to pay more attention to options for removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. A wide range of potential carbon dioxide removal (CDR) options are currently being discussed and modelled though the most prominent among them are bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) and afforestation and reforestation.There are many reasons to question the reliance on BECCS assumed in the models including the carbon balances achievable, its substantial needs for land, water and other inputs and technically and economically viable carbon capture and storage technologies.This meeting will examine the potentials and challenges of BECCS in the context of other CDR and emissions abatement options. It will discuss the requisite policy and regulatory frameworks to minimize sustainability and socio-political risks of CDR approaches while also avoiding overshooting climate goals.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Sustainable Transitions Series Chloé Prendleloup Email Full Article
ag Maintaining Connections: How Might the UK Remain Engaged in the EU's Climate and Energy Strategies? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 23 Jan 2020 10:35:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 3 March 2020 - 10:30am to 12:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE As the UK leaves the EU and the formal negotiations on the future relationship begins, this workshop will discuss any immediate changes and review the short and medium term impacts of Brexit on the energy sector. The workshop will look to cover:The implications for UK business and system operations of the UK leaving the Internal Energy Market.Current and future investment trends in the UK energy system.The trade of electricity and gas over inter-connectors.The need for the development of a new EU-UK operational framework mechanism.The UK's EU withdrawal agreement and the operation of the Single Electricity Market (SEM) across Ireland. Options for the UK outside of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) and the impact on carbon prices.This workshop is part of a programme funded by the UK Energy Research Centre on Brexit and the UK’s Net Zero Energy Policy being run by the University of Warwick and Chatham House.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme Chloé Prendleloup Email Full Article
ag Net Zero and Beyond: What Role for Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 29 Jan 2020 11:51:45 +0000 29 January 2020 Policymakers are in danger of sleepwalking into ineffective carbon dioxide removal solutions in the quest to tackle climate change. This paper warns against overreliance on bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS). Read online Download PDF Duncan Brack Associate Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme @DuncanBrack Google Scholar Richard King Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme LinkedIn Reaching Net Zero: Does BECCS Work? Policymakers can be influenced by ineffective carbon dioxide removal solutions in the quest to tackle climate change. This animation explores the risks of using bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS). SummaryCurrent climate efforts are not progressing quickly enough to prevent the world from overshooting the global emissions targets set in the Paris Agreement; accordingly, attention is turning increasingly to options for removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere – ‘carbon dioxide removal’ (CDR). Alongside afforestation and reforestation, the main option under discussion is bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS): processes through which the carbon emissions from burning biomass for energy are captured before release into the atmosphere and stored in underground reservoirs.This pre-eminent status is not, however, based on a comprehensive analysis of the feasibility and impacts of BECCS. In reality, BECCS has many drawbacks.Models generally assume that biomass for energy is inherently carbon-neutral (and thus that BECCS, by capturing and storing the emissions from combustion, is carbon-negative), but in reality this is not a valid assumption.On top of this, the deployment of BECCS at the scales assumed in most models would consume land on a scale comparable to half that currently taken up by global cropland, entailing massive land-use change, potentially endangering food security and biodiversity. There is also significant doubt about the likely energy output of BECCS solutions.BECCS may still have some role to play in strategies for CDR, depending mainly on the feedstock used; but it should be evaluated on the same basis as other CDR options, such as nature-based solutions or direct air carbon capture and storage (DACCS). Analysis should take full account of carbon balances over time, the requirements of each CDR option in terms of demand for land, water and other inputs, and the consequences of that demand.There is an urgent need for policymakers to engage with these debates. The danger at the moment is that policymakers are ‘sleepwalking towards BECCS’ simply because most models incorporate it – or, almost as bad, it may be that they are simply ignoring the need for any meaningful action on CDR as a whole. Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Bioenergy, Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS) Full Article
ag Thiago H. K. Uehara By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Sat, 18 Apr 2020 09:14:10 +0000 Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme Biography Thiago Uehara, political ecologist, is a research fellow at Chatham House. Before joining its Energy, Environment and Resources programme in 2019, Thiago served as technical adviser to the Brazilian Presidency, consultant to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and senior consultant to Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), to name a few.Thiago is a policy analyst and environmental social scientist working with public policy, rural development and sustainability since 2006. He holds degrees in Geographical Research (University of Cambridge), Public Administration (FGV), Environmental Science (University of São Paulo Institute of Energy), Environmental Management (University of São Paulo School of Agriculture), and Music (Villa-Lobos Institute).He also studied at the Institute of Development Studies/STEPS Centre, at AgroParistech-Engref, and is completing his PhD at Imperial College London’s Centre for Environmental Policy on the politics of retrenchment and the impacts of austerity for peasant livelihoods in the Amazon and in São Paulo.He is a founder member of the Brazilian Research Network on Food Sovereignty, Nutrition and Food Security, and advises students at Imperial College London. Languages: PT, EN, FR, ES. Areas of expertise Sustainable livelihoods, rural development, food sovereigntyEnvironmental policy and management; nature-base solutions; forest restorationPublic procurement; sustainable procurementWellbeing economies and just transformations to sustainabilityInternational development; Global South; Brazil Past experience 2016-2019Consultant, IPCC WG3 Supervisor and research postgraduate, Imperial College London2012-2019Technical adviser, Presidency of Brazil2012-2019Lecturer, National School of Public Administration2012-2019Environmental specialist, Ministry of the Environment, Brazil2010-2012Researcher, FGV Centre for Sustainability Studies2010-2012Senior consultant, FGV Centre for Public Administration2007-2010Environmental manager, São Paulo Environmental Agency Email LinkedIn Google Scholar Full Article
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ag Impact of 1,N6-ethenoadenosine, a damaged ribonucleotide in DNA, on translesion synthesis and repair [Enzymology] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01T00:06:09-07:00 Incorporation of ribonucleotides into DNA can severely diminish genome integrity. However, how ribonucleotides instigate DNA damage is poorly understood. In DNA, they can promote replication stress and genomic instability and have been implicated in several diseases. We report here the impact of the ribonucleotide rATP and of its naturally occurring damaged analog 1,N6-ethenoadenosine (1,N6-ϵrA) on translesion synthesis (TLS), mediated by human DNA polymerase η (hpol η), and on RNase H2–mediated incision. Mass spectral analysis revealed that 1,N6-ϵrA in DNA generates extensive frameshifts during TLS, which can lead to genomic instability. Moreover, steady-state kinetic analysis of the TLS process indicated that deoxypurines (i.e. dATP and dGTP) are inserted predominantly opposite 1,N6-ϵrA. We also show that hpol η acts as a reverse transcriptase in the presence of damaged ribonucleotide 1,N6-ϵrA but has poor RNA primer extension activities. Steady-state kinetic analysis of reverse transcription and RNA primer extension showed that hpol η favors the addition of dATP and dGTP opposite 1,N6-ϵrA. We also found that RNase H2 recognizes 1,N6-ϵrA but has limited incision activity across from this lesion, which can lead to the persistence of this detrimental DNA adduct. We conclude that the damaged and unrepaired ribonucleotide 1,N6-ϵrA in DNA exhibits mutagenic potential and can also alter the reading frame in an mRNA transcript because 1,N6-ϵrA is incompletely incised by RNase H2. Full Article
ag The histone H4 basic patch regulates SAGA-mediated H2B deubiquitination and histone acetylation [DNA and Chromosomes] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-08T03:41:14-07:00 Histone H2B monoubiquitylation (H2Bub1) has central functions in multiple DNA-templated processes, including gene transcription, DNA repair, and replication. H2Bub1 also is required for the trans-histone regulation of H3K4 and H3K79 methylation. Although previous studies have elucidated the basic mechanisms that establish and remove H2Bub1, we have only an incomplete understanding of how H2Bub1 is regulated. We report here that the histone H4 basic patch regulates H2Bub1. Yeast cells with arginine-to-alanine mutations in the H4 basic patch (H42RA) exhibited a significant loss of global H2Bub1. H42RA mutant yeast strains also displayed chemotoxin sensitivities similar to, but less severe than, strains containing a complete loss of H2Bub1. We found that the H4 basic patch regulates H2Bub1 levels independently of interactions with chromatin remodelers and separately from its regulation of H3K79 methylation. To measure H2B ubiquitylation and deubiquitination kinetics in vivo, we used a rapid and reversible optogenetic tool, the light-inducible nuclear exporter, to control the subcellular location of the H2Bub1 E3 ligase, Bre1. The ability of Bre1 to ubiquitylate H2B was unaffected in the H42RA mutant. In contrast, H2Bub1 deubiquitination by SAGA-associated Ubp8, but not by Ubp10, increased in the H42RA mutant. Consistent with a function for the H4 basic patch in regulating SAGA deubiquitinase activity, we also detected increased SAGA-mediated histone acetylation in H4 basic patch mutants. Our findings uncover that the H4 basic patch has a regulatory function in SAGA-mediated histone modifications. Full Article
ag Dual Language Learners: A National Demographic and Policy Profile By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Tue, 03 Oct 2017 14:26:53 -0400 As the share of U.S. children under age 8 who are Dual Language Learners (DLLs) increases, state policies have an important role to play in ensuring all young learners are able to get their education off to a good start. These fact sheets compare key characteristics of DLLs and their peers nationwide and in 30 states, and identify state policies that support equitable access to high-quality early childhood education and care programs. Full Article
ag Will Immigration Reform Ever Succeed Again? The Legacy of IRCA & Its Enduring Lessons By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Wed, 26 Jun 2019 13:38:21 -0400 This discussion on the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) showcases MPI Fellow Charles Kamasaki's book, Immigration Reform: The Corpse That Will Not Die. Kamasaki is joined by other veterans of the IRCA debate for a conversation on the lessons, the intended and unintended consequences, and how the law’s legacy has shaped contemporary politics on immigration. Full Article
ag Development through Diversity: Engaging Armenia’s New and Old Diaspora By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Wed, 23 Mar 2016 11:26:58 -0400 The Armenian diaspora, which significantly exceeds the country's resident population, has played an instrumental role in Armenia's political and economic development since independence in 1991. Yet a picture emerges of divergent currents within the diaspora, often seen from above as a unified entity. Delve into differences in engagement among Armenia's "old" and "new" diasporas with this feature article. Full Article
ag It Takes a Village: Despite Challenges, Migrant Groups Lead Development in Senegal By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Wed, 03 Oct 2018 19:21:15 -0400 For generations, migrants have emigrated from Senegal, particularly from in and around the Senegal River Valley. With France a key destination, French policy changes have had significant impact on Senegalese migrants and the hometown associations through which they support development in Senegal. This article explores how these policy shifts influence development and quality of life in the Senegal River Valley. Full Article
ag The New Reality: Germany Adapts to Its Role as a Major Migrant Magnet By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 29 Aug 2016 14:29:27 -0400 Although long one of the world's top migrant destinations, only in the recent past has Germany come to acknowledge and adjust to its role as a country of immigration. Its welcoming approach—a relatively new development—has been put to the test amid massive humanitarian inflows beginning in 2015. This country profile examines Germany's history on immigration and highlights current and emerging debates. Full Article
ag As Its Population Ages, Japan Quietly Turns to Immigration By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 27 Mar 2017 15:35:24 -0400 One of the most rapidly aging societies in the world, Japan is looking to immigration to address increased labor shortages—albeit slowly and largely without public debate. This country profile offers a brief overview of Japan’s migration history and examines the current immigration system, in particular policies and programs to bring in foreign workers, particularly on a temporary basis. Full Article
ag A New Era in Refugee Protection and Migration Management? Looking Forward After UN Summit on Refugees and Migrants By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Wed, 28 Sep 2016 12:42:48 -0400 MPI experts discuss the outcomes from the UN Summit on Large Movements of Refugees and Migrants and President Obama's Leaders Summit on the Global Refugee Crisis and what it means for international cooperation on refugee protection and management of migration flows. Full Article
ag George W. Bush Calls for an End to Partisanship in Fight Against Virus By feeds.socialpsychology.org Published On :: 2020-05-04T04:28:01-04:00 Source: CNN - Top StoriesFormer U.S. President George W. Bush has called for an end to partisanship in the nation's continued battle against the coronavirus, urging Americans to "remember that empathy and simple kindness are essential powerful tools of national recovery." Full Article
ag With Engaged Parenting, "Terrible Twos" Are Not Inevitable By feeds.socialpsychology.org Published On :: 2020-05-06T09:31:52-04:00 Source: Science Daily - Top HealthParents should not feel pressured to make their young children undertake structured learning or achieve specific tasks, particularly during lockdown. A new study of children under the age of two has found that parents who take a flexible approach to their child's learning can minimize behavioral problems during toddlerhood. Full Article
ag The Germany-Turkey Migration Corridor: Refitting Policies for a Transnational Age By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Thu, 18 Feb 2016 10:53:32 -0500 This Transatlantic Council on Migration report describes how the migration of nationals between Germany and Turkey has developed over recent decades; examines the economic, social, and political factors behind this development; and discusses the policy implications and lessons that can be drawn. Full Article
ag Reimagining Skilled Migration Partnerships to Support Development By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 10 Sep 2018 16:10:57 -0400 While partnerships to facilitate skilled migration have had mixed success in the past, the Global Compact for Migration is advancing a new approach that may change this. This policy brief compares this new partnership model with the traditional one, highlighting the questions policymakers will need to answer if they are to encourage mobility, sustain employer engagement, and see development benefits in countries of origin. Full Article
ag What's New in Farm Labor? Immigration and the Agricultural Sector By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Wed, 26 Aug 2015 12:12:00 -0400 An expert discussion on the findings of the National Agricultural Workers Survey (NAWS) related to immigrants, along with an overview of farm labor in 2015 and discussion on how current and possible future immigration policies might impact immigrant workers in the agricultural sector. Full Article