Latest ela news

Should you cruise to Iceland? If you want to visit Iceland what are the pros and cons of cruising over doing a land-based visit. There are many good things about taking a cruise, and I explore the 6 best pros of cruising to Iceland before looking at the 3 top things you need to consider that may make a land-based trip a better option for you.

Note: I travelled as a guest of Saga Cruises on a round Iceland cruise when making this video. A lot of the footage and tips also draw on my Voyages To Antiquity cruise to Iceland last year too.

** Buy my Cruise T-shirts: http://bit.ly/TFTStore
** USA cruisers get great cruise deals CRUISEDIRECT.COM: http://bit.ly/TFTBookCruise
** UK Cruisers get great cruise deals with CRUISE.CO.UK: http://bit.ly/BookCruiseUK

Gary Bembridge's Tips For Travellers aims to help you make more of your precious travel time and money on land and when cruising the oceans or rivers of the world. To help you, in every video I draw on my first-hand tips and advice from travelling every month for over 20 years and 60+ cruises.

Follow Tips For Travellers on:
- Instagram: http://www.instagram.com/garybembridge
- Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/tipsfortravellers
- Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/garybembridge

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How Can We Take Advantage of Reading–Writing Relationships?

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Mon, 24 Feb 2020 14:26:37 EST

Teacher question: Everyone says reading and writing are connected. But our school focuses on only reading. We have a reading program (we don’t have a writing program). We test the students three times a year in reading, but never in writing. Writing isn’t even on our report card, though I guess it is part of Language Arts. What should we be doing with writing? Shanahan's response: You came to the right place. I think your school is making a big mistake not giving sufficient attention to writing.

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How Can We Take Advantage of Reading–Writing Relationships?

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Mon, 24 Feb 2020 14:26:37 EST

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This Week in Apps: WWDC goes online, Android 11 delays, Facebook SDK turns into app kill switch

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Sat, 09 May 2020 14:45:56 +0000

We continue to look at how the coronavirus outbreak is impacting mobile apps; that big app crash caused by Facebook; new app releases from Facebook and Google; and Apple's plans to move WWDC online.

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Channel24.co.za | 'Isibaya' actress Asavela Mngqithi announces pregnancy

By www.channel24.co.za
Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 07:48:28 +0200

'Isibaya' actress Asavela Mngqithi announced that she is pregnant on Instagram.

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AT#145 - Travel to Ireland

By traffic.libsyn.com
Published On :: Sat, 26 Jul 2008 16:00:00 +0000

Ireland

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AT#191 - Adventure Travel to Venezuela

By traffic.libsyn.com
Published On :: Sat, 11 Jul 2009 21:07:44 +0000

The Amateur Traveler talks to Diana Higuera who is a native of Venezuela who worked for a number of years as a tour guide on adventure tours to see Venezuela's wildlife and natural beauty. Diana takes us on a virtual tour starting in Margarita island, then heading to the Los Roques archipelago north of Venezuela, then in an indian canoe up the Orinoco river. From there we will head to the tepuis (table top mountains) in Canaima National Park in Venezuela's Amazon basin. There we will see the highest waterfall in the world at Angel Falls. We will also go behind Sapo falls. Along the way we will see birds, monkeys and anacondas. We will fish for piranas, pet crocodiles and eat street food in Venezuela.

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AT#204 - Travel to Iceland

By europe.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 24 Oct 2009 14:00:00 +0000

The Amateur Traveler talks to Dave Grenewetzki about his recent trip to Iceland. Taking advantage of the weakness of the Icelandic economy Dave and his family drove the ring road around Iceland and visited places with great names like the waterfalls Svartifoss, Seljalandsfoss, Skogafoss and Gulfoss, Lake Myvatn and the dark castles of Dimmuborgir, the glacial lagoon of Jokulsarlon, the geysers of Geysir and Strokkur, the geothermal activity of Namaskard pass, the university town of Akureyri, the hobbit-like town of Glaumbaer. They went bird watching at Ingolfshofdi, took in the baths at the Blue Lagoon, took the free welcome walking tour of Reykjavik with Jonas, zigzagged between icebergs, hiked to Thingvellir, and took in the tourist attraction of the Midlina bridge.

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AT#301 - Travel to Chihuahua, Mexico with Photographer Ralph Velasco

By mexico.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 29 Oct 2011 21:06:17 +0000

Chihuahua is also known for the beautiful Cooper Canyon which is best seen from the train that transverses it. Copper Canyon is a popular tourist destination with Mexicans. Copper Canyon is larger and portions are deeper than the Grande Canyon.

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AT#304 - Travel to The RIng of Kerry in Ireland

By europe.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 26 Nov 2011 14:00:00 +0000

The Amateur Traveler talks to Jessie Voigts from Wandering Educators about County Kerry and the Ring of Kerry in Ireland. County Kerry is a popular tourist region in Ireland.

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AT#306 - Travel to Dublin, Ireland

By europe.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 10 Dec 2011 13:00:00 +0000

The Amateur Traveler talks to Colm Hanratty from HostelWorld.com about Dublin, Ireland. Colm has been living working and studying in Dublin for the last 17 years.

“Dublin is the gateway to Ireland. It is a very welcoming city. It is a very compact city. You can see the main sites and the more off the beaten track sites in about 3 days."

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AT#379 - Travel to Belarus

By AmateurTraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 20 Jul 2013 12:30:00 +0000

Hear about travel to Belarus as the Amateur Traveler talks to Velvet Dallesandro about his trip to this former member state of the Solviet Union. Belarus is very close to Poland and the Baltic states but does not get as much western tourism as those countries. Velvet is on a quest to see all the former Soviet countries.

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AT#390 - Travel to Ireland

By europe.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 12 Oct 2013 12:30:00 +0000

Hear about travel to Ireland as Chris, the Amateur Traveler himself, talks about a recent trip to the Emerald Isle. Chris did a driving tour with 7 family members and friends from Dublin to the west point of Ireland and of Europe.

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AT#396 - Travel to Belfast, Northern Ireland

By europe.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sun, 24 Nov 2013 18:13:57 +0000

Hear about travel to Belfast, Northern Ireland as the Amateur Traveler talks to Mary Jo Manzanares about her recent trip there. Mary Jo was really interested in learning more about the history of "the troubles" and her husband about the Titanic.

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AT#452 - Travel to Delaware

By usa.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 17 Jan 2015 21:27:36 +0000

Hear about travel to Delaware as the Amateur Traveler talks to Mara Gorman from MotherOfAllTrips.com about traveling to her small but historic adopted home state.

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AT#497 - Travel to the Westfjords of Iceland

By traffic.libsyn.com
Published On :: Sat, 09 Jan 2016 16:31:33 +0000

Hear about travel to the Westfjords of Iceland as the Amateur Traveler talks to Katie Hammel of Vaitor.com about her trip to this remote region of the island.

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AT#584 - Travel to Belarus

By europe.amateurtraveler.com
Published On :: Sat, 25 Nov 2017 19:30:58 +0000

Hear about travel to Belarus as the Amateur Traveler talks to Megan Starr from meganstarr.com about her travels to a country that is transitioning from the "last Soviet dictatorship" to a high tech powerhouse.

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ela

My Faith in Nerds: Stronger Than Any Gelatinous Cube

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Fri, 10 Sep 2010 20:01:57 +0000

dConstruct 2010: Merlin Mann - "Kerning, Orgasms & Those Goddamned Japanese Toothpicks" (NSFW)

Download the audio | Huffduff it

Let's be honest. I don't go...mmmm...places very often.

I sit in this chair. I go to the Safeway with my daughter. Sometimes, I take the train downtown to get a haircut. I check the mail.

But, by and large, like most nerds, I'm without question, a bit of a shut-in.

Which makes it more than a little ironic that my first trip off the North American continent brought me all the way to Brighton, England's wonderful dConstruct Conference.

Which wonderful conference placed me inside a very royal complex, alone on a very large stage, 90 seconds after being informed I'd better be entertaining, because I'd be conducting my oration on the same spot where, a scant 36 years earlier, ABBA had become international stars by singing an up-tempo number about giving up. So, y'know. No pressure.

Commanded to this location by two of my web heroes, I was told I could speak about whatever I wanted. So, wow, to quote the ladies of ABBA, how could I ever refuse?

Thus, I stood on that stage for over 35 minutes, rambling to 800 talented, creative people about Dungeons & Dragons, japanese toothpicks, torrenting Photoshop, as well as what I used to find myself doing after a long evening of shooting mutants in Stargate.¹

But, mostly? Yes. Mostly, I stood on a stage thousands of miles from the chair from which I barely move, and I told a lot of really smart people that they were nerds. I also told them they should get out more.

I swear: it made sense at the time.

Some Serious Talent

My talk about the challenges and opportunities of being a giant nerd seemed well received. Honestly, I'm very happy with how it turned out. But--oh, brother--was I ever up against some heavy hitters. Serious Lou Gehrig shit.

I'll leave it to other, more eloquent folks to tell you what a wonderful day this was. But I will very much suggest you learn this for yourself by listening to the audio of the fantastic talks. Because every one of them is a corker.

Additionally, like I said, Tom Coates put on one of the loveliest slide decks it's ever been my pleasure to see (56MB PDF).

Great speakers, great hosts, wonderful attendees (who aren't above buying a yank a pint [thanks, everybody]).

And, Thanks, dConstruct

I have to admit, I'm kind of over conferences as a thing, which makes it even more crazy when I go to one, and it blows me out of the water with the care and quality of the event, the speakers, and the attendees. dConstruct was absolutely one of those blown-out-of-the-water events.

(photo: happy.apple)

As I learned over and over again--yes, like me--these folks are nerds. But, brother are they ever talented nerds who care and care. Which I just love so much.

I'll take a nerdy bunch of fontdorks and cellists over a splashy mega-conference full of VC pitches and skanks pushing free Red Bull anytime. Anytime.

dConstruct was simply a top-notch operation from end-to-end, and I'm insanely grateful that I was invited to participate. Thanks, Clearleft.

And, you, the reader? If you get the chance next time, go. Heck, I might even leave this chair and go there, myself. Maybe.

I suppose when Dr. Who's over, I could just let these 20-sided dice decide for me. Lemme see...what's my Armor Class and Hit Points...?

Listen for Yourself²

dConstruct Podcast

Hint: Number Three. ↩
Code for these was stolen wholesale from the dConstruct site. Jeremy, et al - don't hesitate to tell me if that's a problem.Srsly. ↩

”My Faith in Nerds: Stronger Than Any Gelatinous Cube” was written by Merlin Mann for 43Folders.com and was originally posted on September 10, 2010. Except as noted, it's ©2010 Merlin Mann and licensed for reuse under CC BY-NC-ND 3.0. "Why a footer?"

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Michela Gariboldi

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Thu, 08 Aug 2019 15:35:42 +0000

Research Assistant, Global Economy and Finance Programme

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Reactive dicarbonyl compounds cause Calcitonin Gene-Related Peptide release and synergize with inflammatory conditions in mouse skin and peritoneum [Molecular Bases of Disease]

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: 2020-05-08T03:41:14-07:00

The plasmas of diabetic or uremic patients and of those receiving peritoneal dialysis treatment have increased levels of the glucose-derived dicarbonyl metabolites like methylglyoxal (MGO), glyoxal (GO), and 3-deoxyglucosone (3-DG). The elevated dicarbonyl levels can contribute to the development of painful neuropathies. Here, we used stimulated immunoreactive Calcitonin Gene–Related Peptide (iCGRP) release as a measure of nociceptor activation, and we found that each dicarbonyl metabolite induces a concentration-, TRPA1-, and Ca2+-dependent iCGRP release. MGO, GO, and 3-DG were about equally potent in the millimolar range. We hypothesized that another dicarbonyl, 3,4-dideoxyglucosone-3-ene (3,4-DGE), which is present in peritoneal dialysis (PD) solutions after heat sterilization, activates nociceptors. We also showed that at body temperatures 3,4-DGE is formed from 3-DG and that concentrations of 3,4-DGE in the micromolar range effectively induced iCGRP release from isolated murine skin. In a novel preparation of the isolated parietal peritoneum PD fluid or 3,4-DGE alone, at concentrations found in PD solutions, stimulated iCGRP release. We also tested whether inflammatory tissue conditions synergize with dicarbonyls to induce iCGRP release from isolated skin. Application of MGO together with bradykinin or prostaglandin E2 resulted in an overadditive effect on iCGRP release, whereas MGO applied at a pH of 5.2 resulted in reduced release, probably due to an MGO-mediated inhibition of transient receptor potential (TRP) V1 receptors. These results indicate that several reactive dicarbonyls activate nociceptors and potentiate inflammatory mediators. Our findings underline the roles of dicarbonyls and TRPA1 receptors in causing pain during diabetes or renal disease.

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ela

Expanding Sino–Maghreb Relations: Morocco and Tunisia

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Wed, 26 Feb 2020 12:49:01 +0000

26 February 2020

Over the past two decades, China has increased its presence in North Africa in terms of trade and investment. This paper looks at China’s policy within the context of its Africa and Middle East policies to better understand its approach to Morocco and Tunisia.

Read online

Download PDF

Yahia H. Zoubir

Senior Professor of International Studies, KEDGE Business School, France and Visiting Fellow, Brookings Doha Center

2020-02-26-Xi-Jinping-King-Mohammed.jpg

Chinese President Xi Jinping and King Mohammed VI of Morocco wave during a welcoming ceremony outside the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on 11 May 2016. Photo: Getty Images.

Summary

China’s presence in the Maghreb has increased in recent years, raising concerns among Western powers. China has focused on bilateral relations with these countries while also working within the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF). However, this engagement has limited strategic value compared to relations China has with Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates.
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, China has shown greater interest in the Maghreb as an entry point to European and African markets. China has pursued commercial relations over political influence in the region. Morocco and Tunisia are still dependent on France, their former colonial power, and the European Union, which exert great political, economic, security and cultural influence over the two countries.
The Maghreb countries’ economic relations with China have grown exponentially, with Algeria forming the closest relationship. However, Morocco and Tunisia are keen to attract China’s investment and involvement in major construction and infrastructure projects to boost industrial and economic development. While China’s investments in Morocco and Tunisia remain at a low level, trade relations with both countries have grown steadily. Politically, China’s policy of noninterference in domestic affairs appeals to Maghreb states, which resent Western interference.
China’s influence in the Maghreb remains minimal. Its soft power push has struggled to promote advantages of strong relations with China beyond economics. Furthermore, Morocco and Tunisia’s populations have generally scant knowledge about China’s politics and culture. China has tried to address this lack of familiarity through the establishment of Confucius Institutes and other cultural activities. However, language and cultural barriers still impede the development of close relations, compared to those China has with other countries in Africa.

Department/project

Middle East and North Africa Programme, Economic Transformation in North Africa

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Brexit Would Be a Further Blow to the Special Relationship

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Wed, 20 Apr 2016 08:59:37 +0000

20 April 2016

Xenia Wickett

Former Head, US and the Americas Programme; Former Dean, The Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs

But increased British leadership, in Europe and beyond, could reverse the decline of US–UK ties.

2016-04-20-Cameron-Obama.jpg

Barack Obama and David Cameron at the 2016 Nuclear Security Summit on 1 April 2016 in Washington. Photo by Getty Images.

The US−UK ‘Special Relationship’ is in decline, and a British decision to leave the EU would hasten its demise. As Great Britain increasingly becomes just one of America’s many strategic relationships, Brexit would speed the transfer of US attention and energy from the UK to the continent. This, however, does not need to be inevitable. The necessary ingredient to reverse this decline is stronger British leadership internationally.

The US government has made it abundantly clear that its preference is to see the UK remain in the European Union. In January 2013, when David Cameron had not yet committed to a referendum, Phil Gordon, the US assistant secretary of state for European affairs bluntly stated that it is in the American interest for the US ‘to see a strong British voice in that European Union.’ The fact that a senior US official would go so far – to be seen to intervene so early in a divisive domestic political issue – spoke volumes about how important this is to America. This week, President Obama will visit the UK to send an equally firm, if polite, message to the British public.

Why does the US want the UK to remain in Europe?

From the US perspective, there are three principal elements that the UK brings to the table in the bilateral relationship. The first stems from Britain’s capabilities, particularly in the military and intelligence arenas. US−UK intelligence sharing, the closest for both countries, has a long history dating back to the Second World War. For good or ill the UK has been among America’s leading allies in every major conflict the US has been involved in for the last quarter of a century – in the Gulf War, Bosnia and Kosovo, Afghanistan, the war in Iraq, the interventions in Libya as well as current operations against ISIS in Iraq and, belatedly, Syria.

The second relates to the political value of having a reliable partner in international engagements – and thereby avoiding the perception of acting unilaterally. Shared history and values, and thus often perspectives (as well as capabilities) have ensured that the UK has long been the first port of call for the US when seeking to solve international problems or build coalitions. At the same time, Britain’s historical global reach and diplomatic experience around the world (not least in areas of current concern such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Israel and Palestine, and Iraq) have provided American policy-makers with valuable input on foreign policy issues that has contributed to their own internal decision making.

The third area of added value for the US is Britain’s place in the EU. While British and US policy preferences may at times diverge, as they have recently on the Israel−Palestine issue, for example, their common outlooks and interests mean that Britain is the closest thing that the United States has to having a voice in the EU. At the same time, the US also sees the UK as the country most likely to support an open trade and investment agenda and a more proactive approach to dealing with the challenges in Europe’s neighbourhood, policies that leaders in both countries agree are necessary to make the EU a more effective actor and better partner to the US on the international scene.

The transition from US−UK ties to US−European ties

In recent years, however, the US has begun to diversify its relationships within Europe, in part as the UK has become unable or unwilling to step up and fulfil these three elements of paramount importance to the US.

Defence and intelligence

With regards to defence capabilities, it is no longer the UK that the United States inevitably looks to first. In Libya, the operation that started with the defence of Benghazi from Gaddafi’s forces in March 2012 (that eventually came to remove Gaddafi himself) was jointly led by the French and the British, although then-French president Nicolas Sarkozy appeared to be the driving force. More recently, it was the French with whom the US partnered in responding to the terrorist activities in Mali and who were first to support the US in action in Syria (following a UK parliamentary vote to stay out in August 2013 and a belated vote to act in December 2015). But in recent years others have worked more closely with the United States militarily as well, including in particular Poland and Denmark (although with the new government in Poland, the relationship might wither again).

This trend towards more diversified military engagement with other European states looks set to continue in the near term. Despite taking a tough position in the 2014 NATO Summit to reinforce the NATO commitment of two per cent of GDP spending on defence, the Cameron government came very close to falling below this line in 2015 (after five years of real defence cuts). The eventual decision to commit to meet this target, along with the newly released Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR), have somewhat reassured American policy-makers of the UK’s continued ambition and capabilities. But there remains a lack of US confidence that this is only a temporary uptick in UK attention on defence. Meanwhile, America will continue to expand its horizons.

The story on intelligence sharing is slightly different, but here too obstacles have arisen in the close US-UK exchange of information. Since the end of the Second World War, the US and UK have been part of the ‘Five Eyes’ alliance – with Australia, New Zealand and Canada – that allows the close sharing of intelligence. And arguably, within the Five Eyes, the links between the US and UK are the closest of all. However, more recently, tensions have emerged. Over the past five or so years, the British judicial system in particular has pushed back on US confidentiality rules in ways that make the US intelligence services nervous of continuing to share information; given the current close relationship, this could be more of an obstacle than it is for other countries sharing intel with the US.

At the same time, with the ISIS-inspired resurgence in the terrorist threat in both Europe and the US, it is becoming increasingly clear that the close intelligence sharing between the US and UK must take place much more widely. The current systems – through NATO or INTERPOL – have proven too slow and ineffective, as the recent attacks in Paris and Brussels have made clear. Sharing among the US and UK, or even among the Five Eyes, is insufficient – increasingly the relationships will have to be broadened.

Partnership

The US is also looking elsewhere for partnership in its international engagements, including on some of the issues that are at the top of the inbox for the American president.

On responding to Russian actions in Ukraine, it is clear that German Chancellor Angela Merkel is in the lead, both in corralling Europeans to maintain the sanctions but also in negotiating with Russian President Vladimir Putin. This was highlighted in the creation of the Normandy format in the summer of 2014, a group encompassing Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine (but not the UK or the US), to resolve the situation in the east of Ukraine. On another issue of significant import to the United States, European economic prosperity and stability, Merkel is again the leading actor in Europe.

In the case of targeted bombing in Syria, it was not the British that were first to join the United States in the offensive against ISIS, but instead the French. President Francois Hollande also proved far more proactive after Syrian President Assad crossed the chemical weapons ‘redline’ in 2013, although in the end France was left hanging when President Obama decided to step back from military action after the failure of the British parliamentary vote to authorize UK involvement.

Finally, on at least one issue of great import to the US – China – the UK appears to be diverging meaningfully. The most recent case – the UK decision to join the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in March 2015 – is perhaps the starkest example of such differing policy positions that have caused significant frustration in the US.

Influence in the European Union

With regards to Europe, even before the referendum was formally announced, it was increasingly clear that the UK was less inclined to engage proactively in the EU. A number of factors have ensured that, particularly since 2010, the UK has become less influential there.

British influence has been diminished through actions by the Cameron government that have, perhaps unnecessarily, antagonized many across the Channel. Many European conservatives became frustrated early in Cameron’s tenure when he decided to take the Conservative Party out of the principal conservative group in the European parliament, the European People’s Party. This sentiment only worsened in recent years as, albeit for perhaps understandable domestic political reasons, Cameron conducted an adversarial negotiation with his European partners in an effort to secure reforms to the EU and changes in Britain’s terms of membership.

The UK also no longer sends its best and brightest to EU institutions. Many of the leading British officials who once occupied high offices there have left and been replaced by other continental Europeans. This deprives Britain of an important source of influence within the EU.

It is clear that if the US wants influence in the EU, it needs more partners there than just the UK. Britain is still important, and would be a strong driver to make the institution more efficient, but as its influence declines it is no longer sufficient. A Leave vote would immediately dispose of that influence entirely.

The UK is ‘one among many’ for the US

What is clear is that increasingly the UK is not ‘first among equals’ in Europe but ‘one among many’ for the United States. America is diversifying its relationships. More and more the US can find other allies and friends to fulfil the needs in which the UK no longer has interest.

If the UK leaves the European Union, the pace of this trend will only quicken. In addition to needing to find alternative partners to address these policy gaps, the UK will likely no longer have the time to devote to the United States that it does today. If Brexit takes place, Whitehall will find itself inundated with issues which had previously been managed by the EU, from trade deals with third parties to negotiating constant market access adjustments with the EU. Thus, very quickly, British resources are likely to be pulled from the US portfolio, and issues of common concern will get drowned out by other agendas. At least for a while, the US will likely get short shrift.

America’s response then can only be to hasten its search for other partners both in Europe and beyond. And there lies an inevitable negative spiral for the Special Relationship.

Can anything be done to save the Special Relationship?

There is no question that the US and UK will continue to have a strong and positive relationship, but it is clear that, without action, either in or out of Europe, its ‘specialness’ will decline. As the arguments above lay out, the only question is how fast this demise takes place. But there is something that could not only halt, but also reverse this trend.

As President Obama made starkly clear in his interviews with Jeffrey Goldberg in the Atlantic, what he wants most from partners and allies is for them to step up – to show more leadership (a sentiment that the Republican candidates for president would push even further). With the perceived failure of interventions over the last 15 years – from Afghanistan to Iraq to Libya –many politicians and publics have become wary of foreign military intervention. This is true in Europe and the US; but Americans have often felt that they have been left holding both the bag and the blame.

It should be noted that more leadership does not necessarily mean more military engagement. Or even, necessarily, more spending on foreign policy tools (whether diplomatic, military or development). But it does mean a willingness to step up and take responsibility for trying to guide international events and for promoting common interests.

In the UK’s SDSR released towards the end of 2015, the government stated its intention to remain fully engaged globally; however, its actions belie this. Where Asia is concerned – an issue that is front and centre for the US – the UK joins other European powers in arguing that its lack of resources in the region makes it unable to contribute meaningfully to maintaining stability. Even closer to home, in the Middle East, the UK has been wary of leading.

It is understandable why the UK is hesitant to take such a leadership role, even as part of a coalition, in some of the larger strategic challenges the world faces. There are few benefits. Merely finding the human capital to coordinate an international response is difficult. The complexity of these problems ensures they rarely work out as hoped, and more often lead to international contempt rather than approbation. Thus it is no great surprise that the UK, along with much of the rest of the world, resists the temptation to be out in front. But there are opportunities – two issues that the US would likely welcome greater British leadership on would be building support in Europe for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and taking a more active role in maintaining stability in Asia. Further, having a stronger European partner on issues in the Middle East (from Yemen to Syria) – Europe’s near abroad – is something that many American policy-makers have suggested.

But the UK would not have to stand alone. With a little leadership from the UK, the US would provide support, as would many others currently loath to take the lead but with very strong interests in the outcomes. But someone has to start; as Obama made clear, there needs to be less ‘free riding’.

If the UK wants to reverse the decline of the Special Relationship, it will need to show more leadership internationally. This should not be as hard as it might seem. Not only does it conform to the government’s own strategy (as laid out in the SDSR) but public concern over further interventions is weaker than one might imagine. Such a leadership role would once again show to the United States the value of the Special Relationship.

This article has also been published by Real Clear World.

To comment on this article, please contact Chatham House Feedback

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Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US– EU and US–UK relationships

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Fri, 06 May 2016 09:10:26 +0000

6 May 2016 , Volume 92, Number 3

A British exit from the EU would add to growing strains on the United States’relations with Britain and the rest of Europe, but by itself would not lead to a breakdown in transatlantic relations. It would, however, add to pressures on the US that could change the direction of the transatlantic relationship. From the perspective of Washington, Britain risks becoming an awkward inbetweener.

Tim Oliver and Michael John Williams

A British exit from the EU would add to growing strains on the United States’ relations with Britain and the rest of Europe, but by itself would not lead to a breakdown in transatlantic relations due to the scale of shared ideas and interests, institutional links, international pressures and commitments by individual leaders. It would, however, add to pressures on the US that could change the direction of the transatlantic relationship. From the perspective of Washington, Britain risks becoming an awkward inbetweener, beholden more than ever before to a wider transatlantic relationship where the US and EU are navigating the challenges of an emerging multipolar world. The article outlines developments in the UK, EU, Europe and the US in order to explain what Brexit could mean for the United States’ approaches to transatlantic relations. By doing so the article moves beyond a narrow view of Brexit and transatlantic relations that focuses on the future of UK–US relations. In the conclusion we map out several ways in which US views of the transatlantic relationship could be changed.

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Institutionalization, path dependence and the persistence of the Anglo- American special relationship

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Fri, 26 Aug 2016 10:57:44 +0000

1 September 2016 , Volume 92, Number 5

Ruike Xu

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One Year of Donald Trump: Assessing the Future of the Transatlantic Relationship

By feedproxy.google.com
Published On :: Mon, 11 Dec 2017 14:00:00 +0000

Members Event Webinar

18 January 2018 - 11:30am to 12:00pm

Online

Event participants

Xenia Wickett, Head, US and the Americas Programme; Dean, The Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs, Chatham House

Events over the past 18 months, in particular with the UK’s decision to leave the European Union and the election of Donald Trump, have elevated concerns among many Europeans and Americans over the health of the transatlantic relationship. With the EU looking inward and President Trump’s rejection of a number of historically common US-European interests, such as NATO, the JCPOA on Iran, and the Paris Agreement, the continuation of close transatlantic collaboration is in question.

Xenia Wickett will discuss the future of the transatlantic relationship. Is there a clear structural divergence between the US and the UK or is the partnership merely going through a temporary hiccup? She will explore the importance of recent events as well as structural, long-term factors that affect the US and Europe similarly. And what actions, if any, can be taken to mitigate differences and best manage the current situation of uncertainty?

Please note, this event is online only. Members will be able to watch the webinar from a computer or other internet-ready device and do not need to come to Chatham House to attend.

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Accurate Proteome-wide Label-free Quantification by Delayed Normalization and Maximal Peptide Ratio Extraction, Termed MaxLFQ

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Published On :: 2014-09-01

Jürgen Cox
Sep 1, 2014; 13:2513-2526
Technological Innovation and Resources

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The Rise of China and the Future of the Transatlantic Relationship

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Published On :: Thu, 25 Jul 2019 15:03:09 +0000

29 July 2019

The growth of China's wealth and military power represents an epochal change in international politics. This briefing argues that China’s rise has worrying implications for the liberal international order and explores how this will affect the transatlantic relationship.

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Jennifer Lind

Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme and Asia-Pacific Programme (based in the US)

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Teams from France, Great Britain, the US, China, Australia and Japan race against each other during the SailGP on 4 May 2019 in San Francisco, California. Photo: Getty Images

Summary

The stakeholders in the transatlantic relationship – the US, Canada and Europe – have long sought to stabilize international politics and economies by spreading support for the liberal goals of free markets, democracy and human rights. As their own commitment to this agenda appears to waver, China is becoming wealthier and more assertive. This briefing explores the extent to which these goals – along with the unity of the transatlantic relationship – are now in jeopardy.
Great uncertainty surrounds this question, including over the direction of US foreign policy, risks to European cohesion and slowing growth in China. However, two decades of revisionist behaviour by the authorities in Beijing show that China’s values and interests already conflict with transatlantic goals in trade, cyberspace, international development, security and human rights.
On trade, China pursues protectionist policies while engaging actively in intellectual property theft. China’s military modernization and its view of maritime law challenge the territorial status quo in East Asia and raise the risk of military crisis there. China lends unconditionally to countries that abuse human rights and are corrupt, undermining efforts by Western governments to promote good governance and human rights.
Defending liberal goals is complicated by asymmetric interests among the transatlantic partners, especially over security. China also uses ‘wedge’ strategies to pick off potential allies, thus diluting the power and will of any counterbalancing effort.
This briefing argues that China’s rise has worrying implications for the liberal international order. In response, the US should recognize its own strong interest in European unity, while Europeans must be ready to align more with the US (and East Asian allies) in order to temper Chinese behaviour.

Department/project

Europe Programme, Asia-Pacific Programme, Geopolitics and Governance, EU-China 2025, US and the Americas Programme, Assessing the Transatlantic Relationship

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UK and Ireland After No Deal

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Published On :: Tue, 03 Sep 2019 09:30:02 +0000

Invitation Only Research Event

17 September 2019 - 8:30am to 9:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Sir Martin Donnelly, President, Boeing Europe and Managing Director, Boeing UK and Ireland; Permanent Secretary, UK Department for International Trade (2016-17)

Prime Minister Boris Johnson has declared that Britain will be out of the EU on 1 November irrespective of the terms of the departure. With time and options limited, what are the implications of leaving without a deal for the UK and Ireland? Notably, the UK government has previously claimed it would keep the Irish border open in the event of a no-deal Brexit. Is the EU likely to reciprocate? How feasible would keeping an external border open be in practice? And what could this mean for UK-EU trade going forward?

With the country facing a potential election, how will the public respond to prospects of no deal? Will the prime minister’s tough stance pay off domestically? And what reactions can we expect from the devolved administrations? Over the course of this session, the speaker will share his thoughts on the domestic and international implications of a no-deal Brexit.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

Please note the speaker will be speaking in a personal capacity.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Department/project

Europe Programme, Britain and Europe: The Post-Referendum Agenda

Alina Lyadova

Europe Programme Coordinator

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Virtual Breakfast: Is a Brexit Delay Possible?

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Published On :: Tue, 24 Mar 2020 15:15:01 +0000

Research Event

7 April 2020 - 8:30am to 9:30am

Event participants

Gavin Barwell, Downing Street Chief of Staff to Prime Minister Theresa May (2017-19)
Chair: Thomas Raines, Director, Europe Programme, Chatham House

Please note this an online-only event.

According to a previously agreed timetable for phase two of Brexit talks, negotiations on the future EU-UK trade relations were scheduled to begin in March. Then a global pandemic hit. Despite the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak, the UK government insists that the Brexit negotiations are on track and there are currently no plans to extend the transition period beyond 2020.

However, the original timetable for trade talks was already widely seen as extremely constrained. Can negotiations still be done in time? With the decision on any possible extension to be made by July at the latest, can the two sides make sufficient progress by that point? Or would the ongoing public health crisis make requesting an extension to the transition period more politically viable for the UK government? Finally, if there is no extension, could Britain still leave the EU with no deal?

In this webinar, the speaker will discuss how the need to manage other challenges, such as the current COVID-19 outbreak, might affect the government’s approach to the negotiations with the EU. He will also share his insights on what to expect from the second phase of negotiations and on the most important lessons from phase one.

Department/project

Europe Programme, Britain and Europe: The Post-Referendum Agenda

Alina Lyadova

Europe Programme Coordinator

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Online Study Group: All Lukashenka’s Men: The Belarusian Ruling Elite and Why It Matters

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Published On :: Thu, 16 Apr 2020 07:50:01 +0000

Invitation Only Research Event

22 April 2020 - 2:30pm to 4:00pm

Event participants

Ryhor Astapenia, Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Chair: James Nixey, Programme Director, Russia and Eurasia, Chatham House

Soon after assuming power in 1994, President Aliaksandr Lukashenka turned his back on democratic norms and overpowered the Belarusian political elite. However, the influence of the governing elite in Belarus is growing again. It seems likely that the current governing class could rule the country after Lukashenka leaves. It is thus important to study Belarusian elites not only to understand the current regime, but also to better forecast and navigate the political system that will one day replace it.

This study group aims to disentangle how the Belarusian political system works, outline the types of individuals that make up the Belarusian ruling elite, assess the interaction of the elite and institutions with the West, and suggest changes that Western political actors might make to their approach to the Belarusian ruling class.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Department/project

Russia and Eurasia Programme

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum

+44 (0)20 7389 3274

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Webinar: Homeland Security and the Emergency Response to Coronavirus in the US

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Published On :: Mon, 20 Apr 2020 09:40:01 +0000

Research Event

26 May 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm

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Secretary Jeh Johnson, Partner, Paul, Weiss; US Secretary of Homeland Security, 2013 - 17
Chair: Amy Pope, Partner, Schillings; Associate Fellow, US and Americas Programme, Chatham House

This event is part of the US and Americas Programme Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US and the State of the World and will take place virtually only.

Please note this event is taking place between 2pm to 3pm BST.

US and Americas Programme

Department/project

US and the Americas Programme

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Year Two of the Abe Administration: Prospects for the Future of Japanese Foreign Policy and UK-Japan Relations

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Published On :: Fri, 24 Jan 2014 15:29:13 +0000

Research Event

11 February 2014 - 3:00pm to 5:00pm

Chatham House, London

Event participants

Kiichi Fujiwara, Professor of International Politics, Graduate School for Law and Politics, Tokyo University
Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of International Politics, Faculty of Law, Keio University
Akiko Yamanaka, Senior Visiting Research Fellow, Churchill College, University of Cambridge; Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan (2005-2006)
Chair: John Swenson-Wright, Senior Consulting Fellow, Asia Programme, Chatham House

As Prime Minster Abe enters his second year in office, the speakers will consider future prospects for Japanese foreign policy and UK-Japan relations.

This event is funded by the Nippon Foundation. It is held in partnership with the Nippon Foundation and the Great Britain Sasakawa Foundation.

THIS EVENT IS NOW FULL AND REGISTRATION HAS CLOSED.

Department/project

UK-Japan Global Seminar Series

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Turkey-Armenia Relations in 2015: Thaw or Freeze?

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Published On :: Wed, 11 Jun 2014 16:45:01 +0000

Invitation Only Research Event

26 June 2014 - 4:00pm to 5:30pm

Chatham House, London

Event participants

Tunç Aybak, Programme Leader, International Politics and Law, Middlesex University
Thomas de Waal, Senior Associate, Russia and Eurasia Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Hratch Tchilingirian, Associate Faculty Member, Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford

The mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War continue to be a divisive and highly politicized issue. The mixed reactions to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's message of condolence on 23 April highlighted the obstacles standing in the way of normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia. This event will explore whether the upcoming centenary of the genocide represents an opportunity for improvement. The speakers will offer initial remarks for approximately 10 minutes each, followed by an hour for questions and discussion.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

Lubica Pollakova

+44 (0)20 7314 2775

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Adipose differentiation-related protein is an ubiquitously expressed lipid storage droplet-associated protein

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Published On :: 1997-11-01

DL Brasaemle
Nov 1, 1997; 38:2249-2263
Articles

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Quantitation of atherosclerosis in murine models: correlation between lesions in the aortic origin and in the entire aorta, and differences in the extent of lesions between sexes in LDL receptor-deficient and apolipoprotein E-deficient mice

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Published On :: 1995-11-01

RK Tangirala
Nov 1, 1995; 36:2320-2328
Articles

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Webinar: Venezuela's Energy Crisis

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Published On :: Thu, 12 Mar 2020 10:45:01 +0000

Members Event Webinar

24 March 2020 - 3:00pm to 3:30pm

Event participants

Francisco Monaldi, Fellow in Latin American Energy Policy; Interim Director, Latin America Initiative, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

Contributing Chair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House

For decades, Venezuela has struggled to appropriately maintain production, redistribute profits and sustain investment in its nationalized oil industry to support its sagging economy.

Compounded by recent political instability, corruption, US sanctions and the increased flow of human capital out of the country, Venezuela’s energy sector continues to spiral downward. But to what extent can Venezuela’s energy crisis be attributed to domestic politics, national mismanagement and a lack of investment and infrastructure? And how can the international community support the renewal of energy production in Venezuela especially with an eye toward lowering the country’s carbon footprint?

This webinar explores the challenges Venezuela currently faces in rebuilding its energy sector. Why did the Venezuelan oil industry collapse and how can it be recovered? How are trends in the Latin American energy sector, from the emergence of new players to the rise of renewables, impacting Venezuela’s oil industry?

And with global crude prices in fluctuation due partly to the COVID-19 outbreak, how will Venezuela’s oil industry fare against global trends?

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Webinar: Homeland Security and the Emergency Response to Coronavirus in the US

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Published On :: Mon, 20 Apr 2020 09:40:01 +0000

Research Event

26 May 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm

Add to Calendar

Secretary Jeh Johnson, Partner, Paul, Weiss; US Secretary of Homeland Security, 2013 - 17
Chair: Amy Pope, Partner, Schillings; Associate Fellow, US and Americas Programme, Chatham House

This event is part of the US and Americas Programme Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US and the State of the World and will take place virtually only.

Please note this event is taking place between 2pm to 3pm BST.

US and Americas Programme

Department/project

US and the Americas Programme

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Reactive dicarbonyl compounds cause Calcitonin Gene-Related Peptide release and synergize with inflammatory conditions in mouse skin and peritoneum [Molecular Bases of Disease]

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Published On :: 2020-05-08T03:41:14-07:00

Full Article

ela

Undercurrents: Episode 2 – The Calabrian Mafia and Transatlantic Relations

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Published On :: Thu, 22 Feb 2018 00:00:00 +0000

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Reactive dicarbonyl compounds cause Calcitonin Gene-Related Peptide release and synergize with inflammatory conditions in mouse skin and peritoneum [Molecular Bases of Disease]

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