un Genetic Profile and Functional Proteomics of Anal Squamous Cell Carcinoma: Proposal for a Molecular Classification By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Lucía Trilla-FuertesApr 1, 2020; 19:690-700Research Full Article
un The DNA sensor cGAS is decorated by acetylation and phosphorylation modifications in the context of immune signaling By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-28 Bokai SongApr 28, 2020; 0:RA120.001981v1-mcp.RA120.001981Research Full Article
un Flow-induced reorganization of laminin-integrin networks within the endothelial basement membrane uncovered by proteomics By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-24 Eelke P. BéguinApr 24, 2020; 0:RA120.001964v1-mcp.RA120.001964Research Full Article
un Seminal Plasma Proteome as an Indicator of Sperm Dysfunction and Low Sperm Motility By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-20 Yunlei LiApr 20, 2020; 0:RA120.002017v1-mcp.RA120.002017Research Full Article
un Proteaphagy in mammalian cells can function independent of ATG5/ATG7 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-16 Tatjana GoebelApr 16, 2020; 0:RA120.001983v1-mcp.RA120.001983Research Full Article
un Developments and Applications of Functional Protein Microarrays By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-17 Guan-Da SyuApr 17, 2020; 0:R120.001936v1-mcp.R120.001936Review Full Article
un Identification of an Unconventional Subpeptidome Bound to the Behcet's Disease-associated HLA-B*51:01 that is Regulated by Endoplasmic Reticulum Aminopeptidase 1 (ERAP1) By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01 Liye ChenMay 1, 2020; 19:871-883Research Full Article
un Human Hepatocyte Nuclear Factor 4-{alpha} Encodes Isoforms with Distinct Transcriptional Functions By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01 Élie LambertMay 1, 2020; 19:808-827Research Full Article
un MaxQuant software for ion mobility enhanced shotgun proteomics By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-03-10 Nikita PrianichnikovMar 10, 2020; 0:TIR119.001720v1-mcp.TIR119.001720Technological Innovation and Resources Full Article
un How to remove unused devices from Sophos Central By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 28 Apr 2020 18:17:03 +0000 We take you through the steps to clear your old devices from Sophos Central, so you've got more time to focus on the devices that matter. Full Article Corporate Security Tips SIEM SOAR Sophos Central Sophos Central API Sophos Security Team
un Protecting the Cloud: Securing access to public cloud accounts By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 05 May 2020 12:44:15 +0000 How Sophos Cloud Optix helps you secure access to your AWS, Azure and Google Cloud Platform accounts. Full Article Cloud Amazon Web Services AWS Azure Cloud Optix GCP Google cloud platform MFA Microsoft Azure public cloud
un A New Type of Learning Community By blogs.ams.org Published On :: Wed, 05 Feb 2020 13:42:16 +0000 Setting high standards is expected from all educators. Yet, I think I may have taken this to an extreme in my 2019 spring senior seminar course in algebraic combinatorics. Students walked in to class, got a copy of the syllabus … Continue reading → Full Article career advancement General Journals and Publications Uncategorized Undegraduates
un Cybersecurity in the Commonwealth: Building the Foundations of Effective National Responses in the Caribbean By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 07 Feb 2019 14:20:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 8 March 2019 - 9:00am to 5:30pm Bridgetown, Barbados Event participants Joyce Hakmeh, Cyber Research Fellow, International Security Department, Chatham House This workshop is the second in a series in the 'Implementing the Commonwealth Cybersecurity Agenda' project. The workshop aims to provide a multi-stakeholder pan-Commonwealth platform to discuss how to take the implementation of the 'Commonwealth Cyber Declaration' forward with a focus on the second pillar of the declaration – building the foundations of an effective national cybersecurity response with eight action points. As such, the workshop gathers different project implementers under the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s Cyber Programme, in addition to other key relevant stakeholders from the global level, to explore ongoing initiatives which aim to deliver one or more of pillar two’s action points.The workshop addresses issues from a global perspective and a Commonwealth perspective and will include presentations from selected partners from different Commonwealth countries. Department/project International Security Programme Calum Inverarity Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department +44 (0) 207 957 5751 Email Full Article
Calum Inverarity Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department +44 (0) 207 957 5751 Email
un Transparency and Accountability for Drone Use: European Approaches By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 07 Mar 2019 17:35:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 11 March 2019 - 9:30am to 12 March 2019 - 12:30pm Chatham House With increased use of military drones in recent years there have also been many calls for greater transparency and accountability with regards to drone operations.This would allow for greater public understanding, particularly as the complex nature of military operations today intensifies difficulties in sustaining perceptions of the legitimate use of force.For example, in Europe, leading states rely on the US for drone platforms and for the infrastructure - such as military communication networks - that enable those operations, while the US also relies on airbases in European states to operate its drone programme.In addition, with reports that the US is loosening the rules on the use of drones, it is important to understand how European approaches to transparency and accountability may be affected by these developments.This workshop focuses on how European states can facilitate transparency to ensure accountability for drone use, as well as what the limits might be, considering both the complexity of military operations today and the need for achieving operational goals.With the US easing restrictions on export controls, the discussion also considers the role of regulation in ensuring accountability and prospects for developing common standards.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Nilza Amaral Project Manager, International Security Programme Email Department/project International Security Programme, Policy Implications of Armed Drone Use Full Article
un Cyber Insurance for Civil Nuclear Facilities: Risks and Opportunities By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 08 May 2019 15:21:25 +0000 8 May 2019 This paper sets out a roadmap for how organizations in the civil nuclear sector can explore their options and review their cyber risk exposure. Read online Download PDF Éireann Leverett Senior Risk Researcher, University of Cambridge GettyImages-667179424.jpg The control room inside the Paks nuclear power plant in Hungary, 10 April 2017. Photo: Getty Images Civil nuclear facilities and organizations hold sensitive information on security clearances, national security, health and safety, nuclear regulatory issues and international inspection obligations. The sensitivity and variety of such data mean that products tailored for insuring the civil nuclear industry have evolved independently and are likely to continue to do so.‘Air-gaps’ – measures designed to isolate computer systems from the internet – need to be continually maintained for industrial systems. Yet years of evidence indicate that proper maintenance of such protections is often lacking (mainly because very real economic drivers exist that push users towards keeping infrastructure connected). Indeed, even when air-gaps are maintained, security breaches can still occur.Even if a particular organization has staff that are highly trained, ready and capable of handling a technological accident, hacking attack or incidence of insider sabotage, it still has to do business and/or communicate with other organizations that may not have the essentials of cybersecurity in place.Regardless of whether the choice is made to buy external insurance or put aside revenues in preparation for costly incidents, the approach to cyber risk calculation should be the same. Prevention is one part of the equation, but an organization will also need to consider the resources and contingency measures available to it should prevention strategies fail. Can it balance the likelihood of a hacker’s success against the maximum cost to the organization, and put aside enough capital and manpower to get it through a crisis?All civil nuclear facilities should consider the establishment of computer security incident response (CSIR) teams as a relevant concern, if such arrangements are not already in place. The existence of a CSIR team will be a prerequisite for any facility seeking to obtain civil nuclear cyber insurance.Preventing attacks such as those involving phishing and ransomware requires good cyber hygiene practices throughout the workforce. Reducing an organization’s ‘time to recovery’ takes training and dedication. Practising the necessary tasks in crisis simulations greatly reduces the likelihood of friction and the potential for error in a crisis. Department/project International Security Programme, Cyber and Nuclear Security Full Article
un Understanding Cybercrime for Better Policing: Regional and Global Challenges By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 24 May 2019 15:25:01 +0000 Research Event 18 June 2019 - 9:00am to 5:30pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE In recent years, cybercrime has evolved from a niche technological concern into a prominent global issue with substantial preventative and remedial costs for businesses and governments alike. Despite heavy investment in sophisticated cybersecurity measures and the adoption of several legal, organizational and capacity-building measures, cybercrime remains a major threat which is evolving on a daily basis. Today’s cybercrime is more aggressive, more complex, more organized and – importantly – more unpredictable than ever before.The challenges posed by cybercrime are experienced acutely by countries undergoing digital transformations: as the level of connectivity rises, so too does the potential for online theft, fraud and abuse. Cybercrime is pervasive but governments can work to limit its impact by creating a resilient overall economy and robust institution, and appropriately equipping law enforcement and the justice system to navigate its novel challenges.To advance the discourse surrounding these issues, this workshop will assess the current cyber threat landscape and how it is evolving. It will identify the main obstacles encountered by law enforcement, the judiciary and prosecutors in their fight against cybercrime. It will also compare national, regional and global approaches that countries can use to effectively curb cybercrime and tackle its emerging challenges. Department/project International Security Programme Calum Inverarity Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department +44 (0) 207 957 5751 Email Full Article
Calum Inverarity Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department +44 (0) 207 957 5751 Email
un Artificial Intelligence Prediction and Counterterrorism By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 06 Aug 2019 10:46:13 +0000 9 August 2019 The use of AI in counterterrorism is not inherently wrong, and this paper suggests some necessary conditions for legitimate use of AI as part of a predictive approach to counterterrorism on the part of liberal democratic states. Download PDF Kathleen McKendrick British Army Officer, Former Visiting Research Fellow at Chatham House 2019-08-06-AICounterterrorism.jpg Surveillance cameras manufactured by Hangzhou Hikvision Digital Technology Co. at a testing station near the company’s headquarters in Hangzhou, China. Photo: Getty Images SummaryThe use of predictive artificial intelligence (AI) in countering terrorism is often assumed to have a deleterious effect on human rights, generating spectres of ‘pre-crime’ punishment and surveillance states. However, the well-regulated use of new capabilities may enhance states’ abilities to protect citizens’ right to life, while at the same time improving adherence to principles intended to protect other human rights, such as transparency, proportionality and freedom from unfair discrimination. The same regulatory framework could also contribute to safeguarding against broader misuse of related technologies.Most states focus on preventing terrorist attacks, rather than reacting to them. As such, prediction is already central to effective counterterrorism. AI allows higher volumes of data to be analysed, and may perceive patterns in those data that would, for reasons of both volume and dimensionality, otherwise be beyond the capacity of human interpretation. The impact of this is that traditional methods of investigation that work outwards from known suspects may be supplemented by methods that analyse the activity of a broad section of an entire population to identify previously unknown threats.Developments in AI have amplified the ability to conduct surveillance without being constrained by resources. Facial recognition technology, for instance, may enable the complete automation of surveillance using CCTV in public places in the near future.The current way predictive AI capabilities are used presents a number of interrelated problems from both a human rights and a practical perspective. Where limitations and regulations do exist, they may have the effect of curtailing the utility of approaches that apply AI, while not necessarily safeguarding human rights to an adequate extent.The infringement of privacy associated with the automated analysis of certain types of public data is not wrong in principle, but the analysis must be conducted within a robust legal and policy framework that places sensible limitations on interventions based on its results.In future, broader access to less intrusive aspects of public data, direct regulation of how those data are used – including oversight of activities by private-sector actors – and the imposition of technical as well as regulatory safeguards may improve both operational performance and compliance with human rights legislation. It is important that any such measures proceed in a manner that is sensitive to the impact on other rights such as freedom of expression, and freedom of association and assembly. Department/project Digital Society Initiative, International Security Programme, UK Defence Full Article
un Who’s Afraid of Huawei? Understanding the 5G Security Concerns By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 06 Sep 2019 09:55:03 +0000 9 September 2019 Emily Taylor Associate Fellow, International Security Programme @etaylaw LinkedIn Emily Taylor examines the controversy around the Chinese tech giant’s mobile broadband equipment and the different approaches taken by Western countries. 2019-09-06-Huawei.jpg Huawei's Ox Horn campus in Dongguan, China. Photo: Getty Images. As countries move towards the fifth generation of mobile broadband, 5G, the United States has been loudly calling out Huawei as a security threat. It has employed alarmist rhetoric and threatened to limit trade and intelligence sharing with close allies that use Huawei in their 5G infrastructure.While some countries such as Australia have adopted a hard line against Huawei, others like the UK have been more circumspect, arguing that the risks of using the firm’s technology can be mitigated without forgoing the benefits.So, who is right, and why have these close allies taken such different approaches?The risksLong-standing concerns relating to Huawei are plausible. There are credible allegations that it has benefitted from stolen intellectual property, and that it could not thrive without a close relationship with the Chinese state.Huawei hotly denies allegations that users are at risk of its technology being used for state espionage, and says it would resist any order to share information with the Chinese government. But there are questions over whether it could really resist China’s stringent domestic legislation, which compels companies to share data with the government. And given China’s track record of using cyberattacks to conduct intellectual property theft, there may be added risks of embedding a Chinese provider into critical communications infrastructure.In addition, China’s rise as a global technological superpower has been boosted by the flow of financial capital through government subsidies, venture and private equity, which reveal murky boundaries between the state and private sector for domestic darlings. Meanwhile, the Belt and Road initiative has seen generous investment by China in technology infrastructure across Africa, South America and Asia.There’s no such thing as a free lunch or a free network – as Sri Lanka discovered when China assumed shares in a strategic port in return for debt forgiveness; or Mexico when a 1% interest loan for its 4G network came on the condition that 80% of the funding was spent with Huawei.Aside from intelligence and geopolitical concerns, the quality of Huawei’s products represents a significant cyber risk, one that has received less attention than it deserves.On top of that, 5G by itself will significantly increase the threat landscape from a cybersecurity perspective. The network layer will be more intelligent and adaptable through the use of software and cloud services. The number of network antennae will increase by a factor of 20, and many will be poorly secured ‘things’; there is no need for a backdoor if you have any number of ‘bug doors’.Finally, the US is threatening to limit intelligence sharing with its closest allies if they adopt Huawei. So why would any country even consider using Huawei in their 5G infrastructure?Different situationsThe truth is that not every country is free to manoeuvre; 5G technology will sit on top of existing mobile infrastructure.Australia and the US can afford to take a hard line: their national infrastructure has been largely Huawei-free since 2012. However, the Chinese firm is deeply embedded in other countries’ existing structures – for example, in the UK, Huawei has provided telecommunications infrastructure since 2005. Even if the UK decided tomorrow to ditch Huawei, it cannot just rip up existing 4G infrastructure. To do so would cost a fortune, risk years of delay in the adoption of 5G and limit competition in 5G provisioning.As a result, the UK has adopted a pragmatic approach resulting from years of oversight and analysis of Huawei equipment, during which it has never found evidence of malicious Chinese state cyber activity through Huawei.At the heart of this process is the Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre, which was founded in 2010 as a confidence-building measure. Originally criticized for ‘effectively policing itself’, as it was run and staffed entirely by Huawei, the governance has now been strengthened, with the National Cyber Security Centre chairing its oversight board.The board’s 2019 report makes grim reading, highlighting ‘serious and system defects in Huawei’s software engineering and cyber security competence’. But it does not accuse the company of serving as a platform for state-sponsored surveillance.Similar evidence-based policy approaches are emerging in other countries like Norway and Italy. They offer flexibility for governments, for example by limiting access to some contract competition through legitimate and transparent means, such as security reviews during procurement. The approaches also raise security concerns (both national and cyber) to a primary issue when awarding contracts – something that was not always done in the past, when price was the key driver.The UK is also stressing the need to manage risk and increase vendor diversity in the ecosystem to avoid single points of failure. A further approach that is beginning to emerge is to draw a line between network ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ components, excluding some providers from the more sensitive ‘core’. The limited rollouts of 5G in the UK so far have adopted multi-provider strategies, and only one has reportedly not included Huawei kit.Managing the risks to cyber security and national security will become more complex in a 5G environment. In global supply chains, bans based on the nationality of the provider offer little assurance. For countries that have already committed to Huawei in the past, and who may not wish to be drawn into an outright trade war with China, these moderate approaches offer a potential way forward. Full Article
un Who Runs the Internet: Internet Consolidation and Control By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 12 Nov 2019 13:35:01 +0000 Research Event 10 December 2019 - 6:00pm to 7:15pm Chatham House, London Event participants Andrew Sullivan, President and CEO, Internet SocietyJennifer Cobbe, Research Associate, Department of Computer Science and Technology, University of CambridgeJesse Sowell, Assistant Professor, Department of International Affairs, Bush School of Government and Public Service, Texas A&M UniversityChair: Emily Taylor, Associate Fellow, International Security, Chatham House, Editor, Journal of Cyber Policy In recent years, there has been a growing debate around the influence of a few large internet technology companies on the internet’s infrastructure and over the popular applications and social media platforms that we use every day.The internet which was once widely viewed as a collective platform for limitless, permissionless innovation, competition and growth, is now increasingly viewed as a consolidated environment dominated by a few. Such market dominance threatens to undermine the internet’s fundamental benefits as a distributed network in which no single entity has control. The panel examines the risks of consolidation throughout the internet’s technology stack such as the impact on complex supply chains that support applications, including cloud provisions, ‘as a service’.It also explores the potential benefits, for example, when building out essential infrastructure to support faster and cheaper internet services in developing economies, consolidation can create economies of scale that bring the resource-intensive building blocks of the internet economy within the reach of new start-ups and innovators.The panel provides an interdisciplinary perspective exploring the relationship between consolidation and evolutions in the internet infrastructure as well as unpacking its policy implications.This event supports a special issue of the Journal of Cyber Policy as part of a collaboration between Chatham House and the Internet Society which explores the impact of the consolidation on the internet’s fundamental architecture. Department/project International Security Programme Nilza Amaral Project Manager, International Security Programme Email Full Article
un POSTPONED: Working Towards Cyber Resilience in the GCC: Opportunities and Challenges By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 14 Feb 2020 14:10:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 12 March 2020 - 9:00am to 5:00pm Muscat, Oman The GCC states have invested significantly in cybersecurity and have made large strides in protecting governments, businesses and individuals from cyber threats, with the aim of delivering on their ambitious national strategies and future visions. However, several challenges to cybersecurity and cyber resilience in the region persist, putting those ambitious plans at risk.These challenges include the uneven nature of cybersecurity protections, the incomplete implementation of cybersecurity strategies and regulations, and the issues around international cooperation. Such challenges mean that GCC states need to focus on the more difficult task of cyber resilience, in addition to the simpler initial stages of cybersecurity capacity-building, to ensure they harness the true potential of digital technologies and mitigate associated threats.Set against this background, this workshop will explore opportunities and challenges to cyber resilience in the GCC focusing on four main pillars:1. Cyber resilience: in concept and in practice2. Building an effective cybersecurity capacity3. The potential of regional and international cooperation to cyber resilience4. Deterrence and disruption: different approachesThis event will be held in collaboration with the Arab Regional Cybersecurity Centre (ARCC) and OMAN CERT.PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project International Security Programme Esther Naylor Research Assistant, International Security Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3628 Email Full Article
un Understanding NATO Obligations Under the NPT By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 28 Feb 2020 09:50:48 +0000 The objective of the project is to understand Alliance obligations within the framework of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament treaties. Examining obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and exploring new approaches that NATO could adopt to reconcile strategic stability with nuclear disarmament policies which could be introduced at the 2020 NPT Review Conference (RevCon).The project facilitates the reconciliation of different positions in advance of the RevCon by providing a platform for stakeholders to communicate their respective positions and engage in constructive dialogue. Key research findings and contemporary analysis will be disseminated to officials and the policy community.Through dialogue and research, the project aims to reduce polarisation in the nuclear field and consequently lay a foundation for increased collaboration during the discussions. It also provides a unique opportunity for NATO countries to explore specific new approaches, including in relation to identifying and analysing relevant geopolitical conditions for nuclear disarmament measures that will inform their inputs into the RevCon and related policy framework discussions.This project is supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York. Full Article
un Lebanon Is Paying the Cost of Its Dysfunctional Politics By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 26 Feb 2020 05:27:10 +0000 26 February 2020 Nadim Shehadi Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @Confusezeus A series of fights to political stalemate have led its economy to the brink and cut it off from its natural economic partners in the Gulf. 2020-02-25-Leb1.jpg Protests against economic conditions and government inaction turned violent in January. Photo: Getty Images. To understand Lebanon’s financial collapse, look to its politics.The country has been deeply damaged by an increasingly dysfunctional political system. A series of compromises have alienated it from its main markets in the Gulf and strangled its economy; anyone that has glanced at fluctuations in Lebanese bank deposits over the last 10 years can see the correlation.Imagine if Boris Johnson or Donald Trump were obliged to form joint governments with Jeremy Corbyn or Bernie Sanders. The result would be paralysis and lack of accountability as each party pulls the country in opposite directions and blames the other for the state of limbo. This has been the state of affairs in Lebanon since the Doha agreement of 2008. That agreement followed an 18-month siege that paralyzed Beirut and an attack on the city by Hezbollah’s ‘black shirts’. The Doha formula imposed governments of national unity between Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s pro-Saudi camp and Hezbollah’s pro-Iran camp and their respective internal allies.The pattern was set: each period of subsequent paralysis was followed by further compromise as the tug of war pulled the country away from its principal economic partners, the Arab Gulf states, with the regional balance of power tilting towards Hezbollah. It was not supposed to be like this. The Baabda Declaration in June 2012, reached after a process of national dialogue, was meant to secure Lebanon’s neutrality in regional conflicts, with both sides promising to hold back on external alliances and coexist despite difference over major regional issues like the war in Syria, the standoff between the US and Iran or relations with Israel or the Gulf states.This has worn away. The Baabda declaration itself became a sham when Hezbollah inserted itself into the war in Syria in support of the Assad regime and overtly got involved in Iraq and Yemen as an Iranian proxy. This was followed by Saudi opposition to concessions by Hariri that led to the election of General Michel Aoun, an ally of Hezbollah, as president in October 2016; again, after a political paralysis that lasted 29 months with no active government and no head of state. The Saudis were also furious when President Aoun’s son-in-law, Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil, abstained from condemning the burning of the Saudi embassy in Tehran at an Arab League meeting in Cairo in January 2016, citing the need to preserve national unity.Fearing that he was simply providing Hezbollah with protection in the guise of compromise, the Saudis pressured Hariri to resign in November 2017 during a trip to Riyadh, but he later challenged that by retracting on his resignation when back in Beirut. Lebanon was caught between two sides, and as the regional conflict intensified from tension to open confrontation, neutrality was no longer an option.Gulf connectionsAn estimated 350,000 Lebanese expats live and work in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Kuwait. These countries are also the main clients for Lebanese contractors, consultants and advertising companies, some of which have offices there. The domestic tourism industry relies heavily on Arab Gulf visitors and they are a principal source of foreign investments especially in the real estate sector.Lebanon also enjoyed a certain degree of political and economic protection from the US and the Gulf, and Hezbollah benefited indirectly from that protection, as it also shielded it to a certain degree from sanctions.The deterioration of relations meant that the country was cut off by its Gulf partners. This was manifested in travel bans for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) nationals to Lebanon and a decrease in investments and bank deposits, as well as a decrease in remittances from Lebanese expats, partly because of economic crisis in the Gulf countries themselves.Saudi Arabia withdrew $4 billion of aid to the Lebanese army and internal security forces, and no aid or deposits were forthcoming as the economic and financial situation deteriorated. The costs to the Lebanese economy include the opportunity cost created by the annual threat of war with Israel, after which trips are cancelled and projects postponed. Hezbollah also controls a section of Beirut port where it pays no duty or taxes. Add to that the economic fallout from the war in Syria, such as the impact on exports, the inflow of refugees and the cost of Hezbollah’s involvement.The burden of these political factors is difficult to estimate but it constitutes the ransom that the Lebanese economy bears as a cost of the compromise. This is not to absolve Lebanese politicians from corruption or bankers of mismanagement but to add that political factors cannot be ignored.The cumulative cost and economic impact of being cut off from its main economic partner eventually bankrupted the country. The fiscal and financial aspects, with Lebanon’s inability to service its debt, are but a reflection of these political factors. In the long run, the key to avoiding complete collapse is to restore relations with the GCC and free Lebanon from that very costly grip. Full Article
un Expanding Sino–Maghreb Relations: Morocco and Tunisia By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 26 Feb 2020 12:49:01 +0000 26 February 2020 Over the past two decades, China has increased its presence in North Africa in terms of trade and investment. This paper looks at China’s policy within the context of its Africa and Middle East policies to better understand its approach to Morocco and Tunisia. Read online Download PDF Yahia H. Zoubir Senior Professor of International Studies, KEDGE Business School, France and Visiting Fellow, Brookings Doha Center 2020-02-26-Xi-Jinping-King-Mohammed.jpg Chinese President Xi Jinping and King Mohammed VI of Morocco wave during a welcoming ceremony outside the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on 11 May 2016. Photo: Getty Images. SummaryChina’s presence in the Maghreb has increased in recent years, raising concerns among Western powers. China has focused on bilateral relations with these countries while also working within the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF). However, this engagement has limited strategic value compared to relations China has with Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates.Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, China has shown greater interest in the Maghreb as an entry point to European and African markets. China has pursued commercial relations over political influence in the region. Morocco and Tunisia are still dependent on France, their former colonial power, and the European Union, which exert great political, economic, security and cultural influence over the two countries.The Maghreb countries’ economic relations with China have grown exponentially, with Algeria forming the closest relationship. However, Morocco and Tunisia are keen to attract China’s investment and involvement in major construction and infrastructure projects to boost industrial and economic development. While China’s investments in Morocco and Tunisia remain at a low level, trade relations with both countries have grown steadily. Politically, China’s policy of noninterference in domestic affairs appeals to Maghreb states, which resent Western interference.China’s influence in the Maghreb remains minimal. Its soft power push has struggled to promote advantages of strong relations with China beyond economics. Furthermore, Morocco and Tunisia’s populations have generally scant knowledge about China’s politics and culture. China has tried to address this lack of familiarity through the establishment of Confucius Institutes and other cultural activities. However, language and cultural barriers still impede the development of close relations, compared to those China has with other countries in Africa. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Economic Transformation in North Africa Full Article
un Unpacking the role of religion in political transnationalism: the case of the Shi'a Iraqi diaspora since 2003 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 04 Mar 2020 12:58:04 +0000 4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2 Oula Kadhum Read Online This article explores the role of religion in political transnationalism using the case of the Shi'a Iraqi diaspora since 2003. The article focuses on three areas that capture important trends in Shi'a transnationalism and their implications for transnational Shi'a identity politics. These include Shi'a diasporic politics, transnational Shi'a civic activism, and the cultural production of Iraqi Shi'a identity through pilgrimages, rituals and new practices. It is argued that understanding Shi'a Islam and identity formation requires adopting a transnational lens. The evolution of Shi'a Islam is not only a result of the dictates of the Shi'a clerical centres, and how they influence Shi'a populations abroad, but also the transnational interrelationships and links to holy shrine cities, Shi'i national and international politics, humanitarianism and commemorations and rituals. The article demonstrates that Shi'a political transnationalism is unexceptional in that it echoes much of the literature on diasporic politics and development where diaspora involve themselves from afar in the politics and societies of their countries of origin. At the same time, it shows the exceptionalism of Shi'a diasporic movements, in that their motivations and mobilizations are contributing to the reification of sectarian geographical and social borders, creating a transnationalism that is defined by largely Shi'a networks, spaces, actors and causes. The case of Shi'a political transnationalism towards Iraq shows that this is increasing the distance between Shi'is and Iraq's other communities, simultaneously fragmenting Iraq's national unity while deepening Shi'a identity and politics both nationally and supra-nationally. Full Article
un POSTPONED: The Development of Libyan Armed Groups since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 04 Mar 2020 14:15:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 18 March 2020 - 9:00am to 10:30am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Abdul Rahman Alageli, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham HouseEmaddedin Badi, Non-Resident Scholar, Middle East InstituteTim Eaton, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme Chatham HouseValerie Stocker, Independent Researcher Since the overthrow of the regime of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths. While many of these have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. In the west and south of the country, armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks.In the east, the Libyan Arab Armed Forces projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will need to address the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities, even while the development of armed groups’ capacities dilutes their accountability to those communities.This roundtable will discuss the findings of a forthcoming Chatham House research paper, ‘The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests’, which presents insights from over 200 interviews of armed actors and members of local communities and posits how international policymakers might seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy.PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Countering Conflict Economies in MENA, Libya’s Conflict Economy Georgia Cooke Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7957 5740 Email Full Article
un The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Mar 2020 17:25:16 +0000 17 March 2020 This paper explores armed group–community relations in Libya and the sources of revenue that have allowed armed groups to grow in power and influence. It draws out the implications for policy and identifies options for mitigating conflict dynamics. Read online Download PDF Tim Eaton Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @el_khawaga LinkedIn Abdul Rahman Alageli Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @abdulrahmanlyf Emadeddin Badi Policy Leader Fellow, School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute Mohamed Eljarh Co-founder and CEO, Libya Outlook Valerie Stocker Researcher Amru_24-2_13.jpg Fighters of the UN-backed Government of National Accord patrol in Ain Zara suburb in Tripoli, February 2020. Photo: Amru Salahuddien SummaryLibya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths since the emergence of a national governance split in 2014. Many have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. However, the evolution of the Libyan security sector in this period remains relatively understudied. Prior to 2011, Libya’s internal sovereignty – including the monopoly on force and sole agency in international relations – had been personally vested in the figure of Muammar Gaddafi. After his death, these elements of sovereignty reverted to local communities, which created armed organizations to fill that central gap. National military and intelligence institutions that were intended to protect the Libyan state have remained weak, with their coherence undermined further by the post-2014 governance crisis and ongoing conflict. As a result, the most effective armed groups have remained localized in nature; the exception is the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), which has combined and amalgamated locally legitimate forces under a central command.In the west and south of the country, the result of these trends resembles a kind of inversion of security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR): the armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks; and have continued to arm, mobilize and integrate themselves into the state’s security apparatus without becoming subservient to it. In the eastern region, the LAAF projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. The LAAF has co-opted social organizations to dominate political and economic decision-making.The LAAF has established a monopoly over the control of heavy weapons and the flow of arms in eastern Libya, and has built alliances with armed groups in the east. Armed groups in the south have been persuaded to join the LAAF’s newly established command structure. The LAAF’s offensive on the capital, which started in April 2019, represents a serious challenge to armed groups aligned with the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA). The fallout from the war will be a challenge to the GNA or any future government, as groups taking part in the war will expect to be rewarded. SSR is thus crucial in the short term: if the GNA offers financial and technical expertise and resources, plus legal cover, to armed groups under its leadership, it will increase the incentive for armed groups to be receptive to its plans for reform.Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will necessarily rely on addressing the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities. Yet the development of armed groups’ capacities, along with their increasing access to autonomous means of generating revenue, has steadily diluted their accountability to local communities. This process is likely to be accelerated by the ongoing violence around Tripoli.Communities’ relationship to armed groups varies across different areas of the country, reflecting the social, political, economic and security environment:Despite their clear preference for a more formal, state-controlled security sector, Tripoli’s residents broadly accept the need for the presence of armed groups to provide security. The known engagement of the capital’s four main armed groups in criminal activity is a trade-off that many residents seem able to tolerate, providing that overt violence remains low. Nonetheless, there is a widespread view that the greed of Tripoli’s armed groups has played a role in stoking the current conflict.In the east, many residents appear to accept (or even welcome) the LAAF’s expansion beyond the security realm, provided that it undertakes these roles effectively. That said, such is the extent of LAAF control that opposition to the alliance comes at a high price.In the south, armed groups draw heavily on social legitimacy, acting as guardians of tribal zones of influence and defenders of their respective communities against outside threats, while also at times stoking local conflicts. Social protections continue to hold sway, meaning that accountability within communities is also limited.To varying extents since 2014, Libya’s armed groups have developed networks that enmesh political and business stakeholders in revenue-generation models:Armed groups in Tripoli have compensated for reduced financial receipts from state budgets by cultivating unofficial and illicit sources of income. They have also focused on infiltrating state institutions to ensure access to state budgets and contracts dispersed in the capital.In the east of the country, the LAAF has developed a long-term strategy to dominate the security, political and economic spheres through the establishment of a quasi-legal basis for receiving funds from Libya’s rival state authorities. It has supplemented this with extensive intervention in the private sector. External patronage supports military operations, but also helps to keep this financial system, based on unsecured debt, afloat.In the south, limited access to funds from the central state has spurred armed groups to become actively involved in the economy. This has translated into the taxation of movement and the imposition of protection fees, particularly on informal (and often illicit) activity.Without real commitment from international policymakers to enforcing the arms embargo and protecting the economy from being weaponized, Libya will be consigned to sustained conflict, further fragmentation and potential economic collapse. Given the likely absence of a political settlement in the short term, international policymakers should seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy by reducing armed groups’ engagement in economic life.In order to reduce illicit activities, international policymakers should develop their capacity to identify and target chokepoints along illicit supply chains, with a focus on restraining activities and actors in closest proximity to violence. Targeted sanctions against rent maximizers (both armed and unarmed) is likely to be the most effective strategy. More effective investigation and restraint of conflict economy actors will require systemic efforts to improve transparency and enhance the institutional capacity of anti-corruption authorities. International policymakers should also support the development of tailored alternative livelihoods that render conflict economy activities less attractive. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chaos States, Countering Conflict Economies in MENA, Libya’s Conflict Economy Full Article
un Virtual Roundtable: Iraq in Uncertain Times By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 26 Mar 2020 10:40:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 30 March 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:30pm Event participants Toby Dodge, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham HouseMac Skelton, Director, IRIS, American University of Iraq-SulaimaniAhmed Tabaqchali, Chief Investment Officer, AFC Iraq FundHanaa Edwar, Co-founder and Chairperson, Iraqi Al-Amal AssociationChair: Renad Mansour, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House The first months of 2020 have proven tumultuous for Iraq. The US killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in January threatened to engulf the region in war and led to continued tit-for-tat violence between the US and Iran that has become almost a daily reality in Baghdad.Amid the ongoing protests that since last October have challenged the social contract and led to a violent response claiming 600 deaths and injuring tens of thousands, the government is still without a prime minister after Adil abd al-Mehdi's resignation in November 2019, leaving the country directionless.Most recently, the spread of COVID-19 threatens to expose a mismanaged healthcare system. At the same time, the rapid fall in the price of oil has impacted the government's ability to respond to or cope with these crises.At this virtual roundtable, part of the Chatham House Iraq Initiative, experts explore these developments and try to unpack the implications for Iraq’s fragile peace and stability. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Iraq Initiative Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
un Virtual Roundtable: Russia in MENA By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 01 Apr 2020 08:30:02 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 3 April 2020 - 2:30pm to 3:30pm Event participants Nikolay Kozhanov, Research Associate Professor, Gulf Studies Center, Qatar University, Consulting Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham HouseTim Eaton, Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseChair: Sanam Vakil, Senior Research Fellow, Project Director, Future Dynamics of the Gulf, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House Russia’s Middle East policy is driven by a complex mixture of traditional factors (such as the ongoing confrontation with the West) and new trends. The Kremlin is keen to maintain its position as an influential external broker. However, it is not confident Russia would be able to respond effectively if forced into a reactive mode by other regional players. The Kremlin therefore seeks to retain initiative and shape the agenda according to its needs and resources. This makes prediction of Moscow’s next moves in the region a challenging, but not impossible, task.Nikolay Kozhanov will offer remarks on the changes that have taken place in Russia’s strategy since the publication of his research paper Russian Policy Across the Middle East: Motivations and Methods (2018), while Tim Eaton will explore Russia's increasing engagement in the Libyan conflict, and its now central role in Libya's diplomacy. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Russia and Eurasia Programme, Russian Foreign Policy Anna Morgan Administrator, Ukraine Forum +44 (0)20 7389 3274 Email Full Article
un Can Protest Movements in the MENA Region Turn COVID-19 Into an Opportunity for Change? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 28 Apr 2020 14:07:38 +0000 29 April 2020 Dr Georges Fahmi Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @GeorgesFahmi The COVID-19 pandemic will not in itself result in political change in the MENA region, that depends on the ability of both governments and protest movements to capitalize on this moment. After all, crises do not change the world - people do. 2020-04-28-covid-19-protest-movement-mena.jpg An aerial view shows the Lebanese capital Beirut's Martyrs Square that was until recent months the gathering place of anti-government demonstrators, almost deserted during the novel coronavirus crisis, on 26 March 2020. Photo by -/AFP via Getty Images. COVID-19 has offered regimes in the region the opportunity to end popular protest. The squares of Algiers, Baghdad, and Beirut – all packed with protesters over the past few months – are now empty due to the pandemic, and political gatherings have also been suspended. In Algeria, Iraq and Lebanon, COVID-19 has achieved what snipers, pro-regime propaganda, and even the economic crisis, could not.Moreover, political regimes have taken advantage of the crisis to expand their control over the political sphere by arresting their opponents, such as in Algeria where the authorities have cracked down on a number of active voices of the Hirak movement. Similarly, in Lebanon, security forces have used the pandemic as an excuse to crush sit-ins held in Martyr’s Square in Beirut and Nour Square in Tripoli.However, despite the challenges that the pandemic has brought, it also offers opportunities for protest movements in the region. While the crisis has put an end to popular mobilization in the streets, it has created new forms of activism in the shape of solidarity initiatives to help those affected by its consequences.In Iraq, for example, protest groups have directed their work towards awareness-raising and sharing essential food to help mitigate the problem of food shortages and rising prices across the country. In Algeria, Hirak activists have run online campaigns to raise awareness about the virus and have encouraged people to stay at home. Others have been cleaning and disinfecting public spaces. These initiatives increase the legitimacy of the protest movement, and if coupled with political messages, could offer these movements an important chance to expand their base of popular support.Exposes economic vulnerabilityEconomic grievances, corruption and poor provision of public services have been among the main concerns of this recent wave of protests. This pandemic only further exposes the levels of economic vulnerability in the region. COVID-19 is laying bare the socio-economic inequalities in MENA countries; this is particularly evident in the numbers of people engaged in the informal economy with no access to social security, including health insurance and pensions.Informal employment, approximately calculated by the share of the labour force not contributing to social security, is estimated to amount to 65.5% of total employment in Lebanon, 64.4% in Iraq, and 63.3% in Algeria. The crisis has underscored the vulnerability of this large percentage of the labour force who have been unable to afford the economic repercussions of following state orders to stay at home.The situation has also called attention to the vital need for efficient public services and healthcare systems. According to the fifth wave of the Arab Barometer, 74.4% of people in Lebanon are dissatisfied with their country’s healthcare services, as are 67.8% of people in Algeria and 66.5% in Iraq.Meanwhile, 66.2% of people in Lebanon believe it is necessary to pay a bribe in order to receive better healthcare, as do 56.2% of people in Iraq and 55.9% in Algeria. The COVID-19 crisis has highlighted the need for more government investment in public healthcare systems to render them more efficient and less corrupt, strengthening the protesters’ case for the need for radical socio-economic reforms.On the geopolitical level, the crisis puts into question the stability-focused approach of Western powers towards the region. For years, Western powers have directed their aid towards security forces in the interests of combating terrorism but COVID-19 has proved itself to be a much more lethal challenge to both the region and the West.Facing this new challenge requires international actors to reconsider their approach to include supporting health and education initiatives, as well as freedom of expression and transparency. As argued by Western policymakers themselves, it was China’s lack of transparency and slow response that enabled the proliferation of the virus, when it could have been contained in Wuhan back in December 2019.This crisis therefore offers regional protest movements the opportunity to capitalize on this moment and push back against the policies of Western powers that have invested in regional stability only to the extent of combating Islamic jihad. But crises do not change the world, people do. The COVID-19 pandemic will not in itself result in political change in the MENA region. Rather, it brings opportunities and risks that, when exploited, will allow political actors to advance their own agendas. While the crisis has put an end to popular mobilization and allowed regimes to tighten their grip over the political sphere, behind these challenges lie real opportunities for protest movements.The current situation represents a possibility for them to expand their popular base through solidarity initiatives and has exposed more widely the importance of addressing socio-economic inequalities. Finally, it offers the chance to challenge the stability-focused approach of Western powers towards the region which until now has predominantly focused on combating terrorism. Full Article
un Soundscapes of war: the audio-visual performance of war by Shi'a militias in Iraq and Syria By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 09:16:54 +0000 7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3 Helle Malmvig Read online This article sets out to bring sound and music to the field of visual studies in International Relations. It argues that IR largely has approached the visual field as if it was without sound; neglecting how audial landscapes frame and direct our interpretation of moving imagery. Sound and music contribute to making imagery intelligible to us, we ‘hear the pictures’ often without noticing. The audial can for instance articulate a visual absence, or blast visual signs, bring out certain emotional stages or subjects’ inner life. Audial frames steer us in distinct directions, they can mute the cries of the wounded in war, or amplify the sounds of joy of soldiers shooting in the air. To bring the audial and the visual analytically and empirically together, the article therefore proposes four key analytical themes: 1) the audial–visual frame, 2) point of view/point of audition, 3) modes of audio-visual synchronization and 4) aesthetics moods. These are applied to a study of ‘war music videos’ in Iraq and Syria made and circulated by Shi'a militias currently fighting there. Such war music videos, it is suggested, are not just artefacts of popular culture, but have become integral parts of how warfare is practiced today, and one that is shared by soldiers in the US and Europe. War music videos are performing war, just as they shape how war is known by spectators and participants alike. Full Article
un Can fluorescence-guided surgery help identify all lesions in unknown locations or is the integrated use of a roadmap created by preoperative imaging mandatory? A blinded study in prostate cancer patients. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-11T12:55:20-08:00 Rationale: Lymphatic tracers can help visualize the lymphatic drainage patterns and sentinel nodes of individual prostate cancer patients. To determine the role of nuclear medicine, in particular the positional guidance of a SPECT/CT-based 3D imaging roadmap, in this process we studied to which extend fluorescence-guidance underestimated the number of target lesions. Methods: SPECT/CT imaging was performed after intraprostatic tracer administration of either ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid (hybrid tracer group) or 99mTc-nanocolloid to create a roadmap that depicted all sentinel nodes (SNs). Patients who received 99mTc-nanocolloid were injected with "free" ICG immediately prior to surgery ("free" ICG group). Before unblinding, fluorescence-guidance was used for intraoperative SN identification. This was followed by extended pelvic lymph node dissection (ePLND). Following unblinding of the SPECT/CT images, the number of missed SN’s were recorded and their resection was pursued when the anatomy allowed. Results: Preoperative SPECT/CT revealed no differences in the SN identification rate between ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid and 99mTc-nanocolloid. However, fluorescence-guidance only allowed intraoperative removal of all SNs in 40% of patients in the hybrid tracer group and in 20% of patients in the "free" ICG group. Overall, 75.9% of the intraoperatively resected SNs in the hybrid tracer group and 51.8% of the SNs in the "free" ICG group were removed solely under fluorescence-guidance. During ePLND 22 additional SNs were resected (7 in the hybrid tracer group and 15 in the "free" ICG group). After unblinding 18 remaining SNs were identified (6 in the hybrid group and 12 in the "free" ICG group). In the "free" ICG group, ex vivo evaluation of the excised specimens revealed that 14 SNs removed under ePLND or after unblinding contained radioactivity but no fluorescence. Conclusion: The preoperative imaging roadmap provided by SPECT/CT enhanced the detection of prostate SNs in more ectopic locations in 17 of the 25 patients and the hybrid tracer ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid was shown to outperform "free" ICG. Overall, fluorescence-guided pelvic nodal surgery underestimated the number of SNs in 60-80% of patients. Full Article
un Pre-treatment 18F-FDG PET/CT Radiomics predict local recurrence in patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy for early-stage non-small cell lung cancer: a multicentric study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Purpose: The aim of this retrospective multicentric study was to develop and evaluate a prognostic FDG PET/CT radiomics signature in early-stage non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy (SBRT). Material and Methods: Patients from 3 different centers (n = 27, 29 and 8) were pooled to constitute the training set, whereas the patients from a fourth center (n = 23) were used as the testing set. The primary endpoint was local control (LC). The primary tumour was semi-automatically delineated in the PET images using the Fuzzy locally adaptive Bayesian algorithm, and manually in the low-dose CT images. A total of 184 IBSI-compliant radiomic features were extracted. Seven clinical and treatment parameters were included. We used ComBat to harmonize radiomic features extracted from the four institutions relying on different PET/CT scanners. In the training set, variables found significant in the univariate analysis were fed into a multivariate regression model and models were built by combining independent prognostic factors. Results: Median follow-up was 21.1 (1.7 – 63.4) and 25.5 (7.7 – 57.8) months in training and testing sets respectively. In univariate analysis, none of the clinical variables, 2 PET and 2 CT features were significantly predictive of LC. The best predictive models in the training set were obtained by combining one feature from PET, namely information correlation 2 (IC2) and one from CT (Flatness), reaching a sensitivity of 100% and a specificity of 96%. Another model combining 2 PET features (IC2 and Strength), reached sensitivity of 100% and specificity of 88%, both with an undefined hazard ratio (HR) (p<0.001). The latter model obtained an accuracy of 0.91 (sensitivity 100%, specificity 81%), with a HR undefined (P = 0.023) in the testing set, however other models relying on CT radiomics features only or the combination of PET and CT features failed to validate in the testing set. Conclusion: We showed that two radiomic features derived from FDG PET were independently associated with LC in patients with NSCLC undergoing SBRT and could be combined in an accurate predictive model. This model could provide local relapse-related information and could be helpful in clinical decision-making. Full Article
un Comparison between 18F-FDG-PET- and CT-based criteria in non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with Nivolumab By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Due to their peculiar mechanism of action, the evaluation of radiological response to immune checkpoint inhibitors (ICI) presents many challenges in solid tumors. We aimed to compare the evaluation of first response to Nivolumab by means of CT-based criteria with respect to fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (FDG-PET) response criteria in non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients. Methods: 72 patients with advanced NSCLC were recruited in a mono-institutional ancillary trial within the expanded access program (EAP; NCT02475382) for Nivolumab. Patients underwent CT scan and FDG-PET at baseline and after 4 cycles (first evaluation). In case of progressive disease (PD), an additional evaluation was performed after two further cycles in order to confirm progression. We evaluated the response to treatment with CT scan by means of response evaluation criteria in solid tumors (RECIST) 1.1 and Immuno-related Response Criteria (IrRC) and with FDG-PET by means of PERCIST and immunotherapy-modified-PERCIST (imPERCIST) criteria. The concordance between CT- and PET-based criteria and the capability of each method to predict overall survival (OS) were evaluated. Results: 48/72 patients were evaluable for first response assessment with both PET- and CT-based criteria. We observed low concordance between CT- and PET-based criteria (Kappa value of 0.346 and 0.355 and Kappa value of 0.128 and 0.198 between PERCIST and imPERCIST versus RECIST and irRC respectively). Looking at OS, IrRC were more reliable to distinguish responders from non-responders. However thanks to the prognostic value of partial metabolic response assessed by both PERCIST and Immuno-PERCIST, PET-based response maintained prognostic significant in patients classified as progressive disease on the basis of irRC. Conclusion: Even though the present study did not support the routine use of FDG-PET in the general population of NSCLC patients treated with ICI, it suggests the added prognostic value of the metabolic response assessment, potentially improving the therapeutic decision-making. Full Article
un PET/MRI versus PET/CT in whole-body staging: results from a unicenter observational study in 1003 subsequent examinations By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:42-08:00 Purpose: To investigate differences between positron emission tomography/magnetic resonance imaging (PET/MRI) and PET/computed tomography (PET/CT) in lesion detection and classification in oncological whole-body examinations and to investigate radiation exposure differences between both modalities. Material and Methods: In this prospective, single-center, observational study 1003 oncological examinations (918 patients, mean age 57.8±14.4y) were included. Patients underwent PET/CT and subsequent PET/MRI (149.8±49.7min after tracer administration). Examinations were reviewed by radiologists and nuclear medicine physicians in consensus. Additional findings, characterization of indetermiante findings in PETCT, missed findings in PET/MRI including their clinical relevance and effective dose of both modalities were investigated. McNemar’s test was used to compare lesion detection between both hybrid imaging modalities (p<0.001 indicating statistical significance). Results: Additional information in PET/MRI was reported in 26.3% (264/1003) of examinations compared to PET/CT (p<0.001). Of these, additional malignant findings were detected in 5.3% (53/1003), leading to a change in TNM-staging in 2.9% (29/1003) due to PET/MRI. Definite lesion classification of indeterminate PET/CT findings was possible in 11.1% (111/1003) with PET/MRI. In 2.9% (29/1003), lesions detected in PET/CT were not visible in PET/MRI. Malignant lesions were missed in 1.2% (12/1003) by PET/MRI leading to a change in TNM-staging in 0.5% (5/1003). The estimated mean effective-dose for whole-body PET/CT amounted to 17.6±8.7mSv in comparison to 3.6±1.4mSv in PET/MRI, resulting in a potential dose reduction of 79.6% (p<0.001). Conclusion: PET/MRI improves lesion detection and potentially reduces additional examinations in tumor staging. Especially younger patients may benefit from the clinically relevant dose reduction of PET/MRI compared to PET/CT. Full Article
un Mapping prostate cancer lesions pre/post unsuccessful salvage lymph node dissection using repeat PSMA-PET By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Introduction: The aim of this study was to analyze patterns of persistent versus recurrent or new PET lesions in a selected patient cohort with PSA persistence following salvage lymph node dissection (SLND) and pre/post procedure prostate-specific membrane antigen ligand positron emission tomography (PSMA-PET). Material and Methods: 16 patients were included in this multicenter study. Inclusion criteria were: a) PSMA-PET performed for biochemical recurrence before SLND (pre-SLND PET) and b) repeat PSMA-PET performed for persistently elevated PSA level (≥0.1 ng/mL) ≥6 weeks after SLND (post-SLND PET). Image analysis was performed by three independent nuclear medicine physicians applying the molecular imaging TNM system PROMISE. Lesions were confirmed by histopathology, presence on correlative CT/MRI/bone scan or PSA response after focal therapy. Results: post-SLND PET identified PCa-lesions in 88% (14/16) of patients with PSA persistence after SLND. Median PSA was 1.2 ng/mL (IQR, 0.6-2.8 ng/mL). Disease was confined to the pelvis in 56% of patients (9/16) and most of these men had common iliac (6/16, 38%) and internal iliac lymph node metastases (6/16, 38%). Extrapelvic disease was detected in 31% of patients (5/16). In pre- and post-SLND PET comparison, 10/16 had at least one lesion already detected at baseline (63% PET persistence); 4/16 had new lesions only (25% PET recurrence); 2 had no disease on post-SLND PET. All validated regions (11 regions in 9 patients) were true positive. 9/14 (64%) patients underwent repeat local therapies after SLND (7/14 radiotherapy, 2/14 surgery). Conclusion: SLND of pelvic nodal metastases was often not complete according to PSMA-PET. About two thirds of patients had PET positive nodal disease after SLND already seen on pre-SLND PSMA-PET. Notably, about one quarter of patients had new lesions, not detected by pre-surgical PSMA-PET. Full Article
un Head to head prospective comparison of quantitative lung scintigraphy and segment counting in predicting pulmonary function of lung cancer patients undergoing video-assisted thoracoscopic lobectomy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Prediction of post-operative pulmonary function in lung cancer patients before tumor resection is essential for patient selection for surgery and is conventionally done with a non-imaging segment counting method (SC) or a two-dimensional planar lung perfusion scintigraphy (PS). The purpose of this study was to compare quantitative analysis of PS to single photon emission computed tomography/computed tomography (SPECT/CT) and to estimate the accuracy of SC, PS and SPECT/CT in predicting post-operative pulmonary function in patients undergoing lobectomy. Methods: Seventy-five non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients planned for lobectomy were prospectively enrolled (68% males, average age 68.1±8 years ). All patients completed pre-operative forced expiratory volume capacity (FEV1), diffusing capacity of the lung for carbon monoxide (DLCO), Tc99m-MAA lung perfusion scintigraphy with PS and SPECT/CT quantification. A subgroup of 60 patients underwent video-assisted thoracoscopic (VATS) lobectomy and measurement of post-operative FEV1 and DLCO. Relative uptake of the lung lobes estimated by PS and SPECT/CT were compared. Predicted post-operative FEV1 and DLCO were derived from SC, PS and SPECT/CT. Prediction results were compared between the different methods and the true post-operative measurements in patients who underwent lobectomy. Results: Relative uptake measurements differed significantly between PS and SPECT/CT in right lung lobes, with a mean difference of -8.2±3.8, 18.0±5.0 and -11.5±6.1 for right upper, middle and lower lobes respectively (p<0.001). The differences between the methods in the left lung lobes were minor with a mean difference of -0.4±4.4 (p>0.05) and -2.0±4.0 (p<0.001) for left upper and lower lobes respectively. No significant difference and strong correlation (R=0.6-0.76, p<0.001) were found between predicted post-operative lung function values according to SC, PS, SPECT/CT and the actual post-operative FEV1 and DLCO. Conclusion: Although lobar quantification parameters differed significantly between PS and SPECT/CT, no significant differences were found between the predicted post-operative lung function results derived from these methods and the actual post-operative results. The additional time and effort of SPECT/CT quantification may not have an added value in patient selection for surgery. SPECT/CT may be advantageous in patients planned for right lobectomies but further research is warranted. Full Article
un Hyper-progressive Disease in Patients With Non-Small Cell Lung Cancer Treated With Checkpoint Inhibitors: The Role of 18F-FDG PET/CT By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Introduction: A new pattern of response, so-called hyper-progressive disease (HPD), is emerging during treatment with immune checkpoint inhibitors (ICI). Our aim was to investigate the prevalence of such phenomenon and to assess its association with clinical variables and metabolic parameters by 18F-fludeoxyglucose positron emission tomography/computed tomography (18F-FDG PET/CT). Methods: Data from 50 patients (34 male, 16 female, median age 73) with non-small cell lung carcinoma (NSCLC) and treated with ICI were prospectively collected. All patients underwent contrast-enhanced CT, 18F-FDG PET/CT, and complete peripheral blood sample at baseline before ICI. HPD was defined according to clinical and radiologic criteria. Because of the rapid disease progression or worsening of clinic conditions, radiologic response assessment was available for 46 patients. OS were analyzed using the Kaplan–Meier method and the log-rank test. A Cox proportional hazards regression analysis was used to evaluate factors independently associated with OS. Median follow-up was 12.4 months (9.7-15.2 months). Results: We identified the following response categories: 10 cases as complete/partial response (CR/PR), 17 cases with stable disease (SD), 5 patients with progressive disease (PD), and 14 with HPD. Among metabolic parameters we observed a statistically significant association between HPD status and tumor burden, expressed by both MTV (756.1ml for HPD vs 475.6ml for non-HPD, P = 0.011) and TLG (287.3 for HPD vs 62.1 for non-HPD, P = 0.042). Among clinical variables, 12/14 patients (85.7%) within the HPD group compared with 8/32 patients (25%) in the non-HDP group had more than two metastatic sites (p<0.001). In addition, the derived neutrophil-to-lymphocyte ratio (dNLR) and platelet counts was significantly associated with HPD status (P = 0.038, P = 0.025, respectively). Survival analysis showed a median OS of 4 months for HPD group compared with 15 months within non-HPD patients (P = 0.003). Likewise, median OS was significantly different when we considered all the response categories: CR/PR, SD, PD, and HPD (P = 0.001). Finally, Multivariate analysis identified MTV and dNLR as independent predictors for OS. Conclusion: Our results suggest that the use of ICI might represent a concern in patients with high metabolic tumor burden and inflammatory indexes at baseline. However Additional studies are needed. Full Article
un 212Pb Alpha-Radioimmunotherapy targeting CD38 in Multiple Myeloma: a preclinical study. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Multiple myeloma (MM) is a plasma cell cancer and represents the second most frequent hematological malignancy. Despite new treatments and protocols including high doses chemotherapy associated with autologous stem cell transplantation, the prognosis of MM patients is still poor. Alpha-radioimmunotherapy (alpha-RIT) represents an attractive treatment strategy due to the high linear energy transfer and short path length of alpha-radiation in tissues, resulting in high tumor cell killing and low toxicity to surrounding tissues. In this study, we investigated the potential of alpha-RIT with 212Pb-Daratumumab (anti-CD38), in both in vitro and in vivo models, as well as an anti-mouse CD38 antibody using in vivo models. Methods: Inhibition of cell proliferation after incubation of RPMI8226 cell line with increasing activities (0.185-3.7 kBq/ml) of 212Pb-isotypic control or 212Pb-Daratumumab was evaluated. Biodistribution was performed in vivo by SPECT-CT imaging and post-mortem. Dose range finding (DRF) and acute toxicity studies were conducted. As Daratumumab does not bind the murine CD38, biodistribution and DRF were also determined using an anti-murine CD38 antibody. To evaluate in vivo efficacy of 212Pb-Daratumumab, mice were engrafted subcutaneously with 5.106 RPMI8226 cells. Mice were treated 13 days post-engraftment with an intravenous injection of 212Pb-Daratumumab or control solutions. Therapeutic efficacy was monitored by tumor volume measurements and overall survival. Results: Significant inhibition of proliferation of the human myeloma RPMI8226 cell line was observed after three days of incubation with 212Pb-Daratumumab compared to 212Pb-Isotypic Control or cold antibodies. Biodistribution studies showed a specific tumoral accumulation of Daratumumab. No toxicity was observed with 212Pb-Daratumumab up to 370 kBq due to the lack of cross-reactivity. Nevertheless, acute toxicity experiments with 212Pb-anti-mCD38 established a toxic activity of 277.5 kBq. To remain within realistically safe treatment activities for efficacy studies, mice were treated with 185 kBq or 277.5 kBq of 212Pb-Daratumumab. Marked tumor growth inhibition compared to controls was observed, with a median survival of 55 days for 277.5 kBq of 212Pb-Daratumumab instead of 11 for PBS control groups. Conclusion: These results showed 212Pb-Daratumumab efficacy on xenografted mice with significant tumor regression and increased survival. This study highlights alpha-RIT potency in MM treatment. Full Article
un Management of patients with renal failure undergoing dialysis during 131I therapy for thyroid cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-01-10T04:59:09-08:00 Objectives: Radioactive iodine (131I) therapy may be used to treat thyroid cancer in end-stage renal disease patients who undergo hemodialysis. Because iodine predominantly utilizes renal clearance, treatment management in hemodialysis patients may be problematic, and no formal recommendations on hemodialysis currently exist. This work details our experience with treating thyroid cancer with iodine in chronic renal failure patients who require hemodialysis and details the therapeutic dosimetry results obtained during treatment to ensure that the dose to the bone marrow (BM) was acceptable. Methods: We treated 6 patients in the metabolic radiotherapy unit after thyroid stimulation. Two hemodialysis sessions in the metabolic radiotherapy unit were performed at 42 and 90 hours after radiopharmaceutical administration. BM toxicity was estimated with activity measurements from blood samples and with whole-body measurements that were regularly repeated during hospitalization and measured with a gamma counter. The patients underwent thyroid and hematologic monitoring to assess treatment efficacy and therapeutic toxicity in the short, medium and long term. Results: Whole-body activity was reduced on average by 66.7% [60.1-71.5] after the first dialysis session and by 53.3% [30.4-67.8] after the second. The mean estimated total absorbed dose to the BM was 0.992 Gy for all patients [0.431 – 2.323]. We did not observe any significant hematologic toxicity, and the clinical, biological and ultrasound test results confirmed the success of ablative treatment for the majority of patients. Conclusion: An approximately 30% reduction from the nominal dose in the amount of 131I activity for hemodialysis patients with thyroid cancer appears to strike an appropriate balance between the absence of BM toxicity and therapeutic efficacy. To avoid overirradiation, we recommend pretherapeutic dosimetry studies for metastatic patients to calculate the amount of activity to be administered as well as dosimetry monitoring during the hemodialysis sessions performed after therapeutic dose administration and under the same conditions. Full Article
un Evaluation of 11C-NR2B-SMe and its Enantiomers as PET Radioligands for Imaging the NR2B Subunit within the NMDA Receptor Complex in Rats By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-01-10T04:59:09-08:00 [S-Methyl-11C](±)-7-methoxy-3-(4-(4-(methylthio)phenyl)butyl)-2,3,4,5-tetrahydro-1H-benzo[d]azepin-1-ol (11C-NR2B-SMe) and its enantiomers were synthesized as candidates for imaging the NR2B subunit within the N-methyl-D-aspartate receptor with positron emission tomography (PET). Methods: Brains were scanned with PET for 90 min after intravenous injection of one of the candidate radioligands into rats. To detect any NR2B specific binding of radioligand in brain, various pre-blocking or displacing agents were evaluated for their impact on the PET brain imaging data. Radiometabolites from brain and other tissues were measured ex vivo and in vitro. Results: Each radioligand gave high early whole brain uptake of radioactivity, followed by a brief fast decline and then a slow final decline. 11C-(S)-NR2B-SMe was studied extensively. Ex vivo measurements showed that radioactivity in rat brain at 30 min after radioligand injection was virtually unchanged radioligand. Only less lipophilic radiometabolites appeared in plasma. High-affinity NR2B ligands, Ro-25-6981, ifenprodil, and CO10124, showed increasing preblock of whole brain radioactivity retention with increasing dose (0.01 to 1.25 mg/kg, i.v.). Five 1 antagonists (FTC146, BD1407, F3, F4, and NE100) and four 1 agonists ((+)-pentazocine, (±)-PPCC, PRE-084, (+)-SKF10047) were ineffective preblocking agents, except FTC146 and F4 at high dose. Two potent 1 receptor agonists, TC1 and SA4503, showed dose-dependent preblocking effects in the presence or absence of pharmacological 1 receptor blockade with FTC146. Conclusion: 11C-(S)-NR2B-SMe has adequate NR2B-specific PET signal in rat brain to warrant further evaluation in higher species. TC1 and SA4503 likely have off-target binding to NR2B in vivo. Full Article
un Immune checkpoint imaging in oncology - a game changer towards personalized immunotherapy? By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-01-10T04:59:10-08:00 Immune checkpoint blockade represents a promising approach in oncology, showing anti-tumor activities in various cancers. However, although being generally far more well-tolerated than classical cytotoxic chemotherapy, this treatment, too, may be accompanied by considerable side effects and not all patients benefit equally. Therefore, careful patient selection and monitoring of the treatment response is mandatory. At present, checkpoint-specific molecular imaging is increasingly investigated as a tool for patient selection and response evaluation. Here, an overview of the current developments in immune checkpoint imaging is provided. Full Article
un Individual mapping of innate immune cell activation is a candidate marker of patient-specific trajectories of disability worsening in Multiple Sclerosis By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-01-31T13:36:41-08:00 Objective: To develop a novel approach to generate individual maps of white matter (WM) innate immune cell activation using 18F-DPA-714 translocator protein (TSPO) positron emission tomography (PET), and to explore the relationship between these maps and individual trajectories of disability worsening in patients with multiple sclerosis (MS). Methods: Patients with MS (n = 37), whose trajectories of disability worsening over the 2 years preceding study entry were calculated, and healthy controls (n = 19) underwent magnetic resonance magnetic and 18F-DPA-714 PET. A threshold of significant activation of 18F-DPA-714 binding was calculated with a voxel-wise randomized permutation-based comparison between patients and controls, and used to classify each WM voxel in patients as characterized by a significant activation of innate immune cells (DPA+) or not. Individual maps of innate immune cell activation in the WM were employed to calculate the extent of activation in WM regions-of-interests and to classify each WM lesion as "DPA-active", "DPA-inactive" or "unclassified". Results: Compared with the WM of healthy controls, patients with MS had a significantly higher percentage of DPA+ voxels in the normal-appearing WM, (NAWM in patients=24.9±9.7%; WM in controls=14.0±7.8%, p<0.001). In patients with MS, the percentage of DPA+ voxels showed a significant increase from NAWM, to perilesional areas, T2 hyperintense lesions and T1 hypointense lesions (38.1±13.5%, 45.0±17.9%, and 51.9±22.9%, respectively, p<0.001). Among the 1379 T2 lesions identified, 512 were defined as DPA-active and 258 as DPA-inactive. A higher number of lesions classified as DPA-active (OR=1.13, P = 0.009), a higher percentage of DPA+ voxels in the NAWM (OR=1.16, P = 0.009) and in T1-spin-echo lesions (OR=1.06, P = 0.036), were significantly associated with a retrospective more severe clinical trajectory in patients with MS. Conclusion: A more severe trajectory of disability worsening in MS is associated with an innate immune cells activation inside and around WM lesions. 18F-DPA-714 PET may provide a promising biomarker to identify patients at risk of severe clinical trajectory. Full Article
un PET/CT imaging with a 18F-labeled galactodendritic unit in a galectin-1 overexpressing orthotopic bladder cancer model By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-01-31T13:36:41-08:00 Galectins are carbohydrate-binding proteins overexpressed in bladder cancer (BCa) cells. Dendritic galactose moieties have a high affinity for galectin-expressing tumor cells. We radiolabeled a dendritic galactose carbohydrate with fluorine-18 – 18F-labeled galactodendritic unit 4 – and examined its potential in imaging urothelial malignancies. Methods: The 18F-labeled 1st generation galactodendritic unit 4 was obtained from its tosylate precursor. We conducted in vivo studies in galectin-expressing UMUC3 orthotopic BCa model to determine the ability of 18F-labeled galactodendritic unit 4 to image BCa. Results: Intravesical administration of 18F-labeled galactodendritic unit 4 allowed specific accumulation of the carbohydrate radiotracer in galectin-1 overexpressing UMUC3 orthotopic tumors when imaged with PET. The 18F-labeled galactodendritic unit 4 was not found to accumulate in non-tumor murine bladders. Conclusion: The 18F-labeled galactodendritic unit 4 and similar analogs may be clinically relevant and exploitable for PET imaging of galectin-1 overexpressing bladder tumors. Full Article
un PSMA PET/CT and standard plus PET/CT-Ultrasound fusion targeted prostate biopsy can diagnose clinically significant prostate cancer in men with previous negative biopsies By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-02-07T14:31:42-08:00 The purpose of this study was to investigate the feasibility and diagnostic efficacy of 68Ga-PSMA positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT) combined with PET-ultrasound image-guided biopsy in the diagnosis of prostate cancer. Methods: A total of 31 patients with previously negative prostate biopsy, but persistent elevated serum prostate specific antigen (PSA), were imaged with a 68Ga-labeled prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) PET/CT ligand prior to undergoing repeat prostate biopsy. Based on the proposed PROMISE criteria, PSMA PET/CT results were interpreted as negative (miPSMA-ES 0-1) or positive (miPSMA-ES 2-3). All patients underwent standard template systematic biopsy with up to four additional PSMA PET-ultrasound fusion image-guided biopsy cores. The sensitivity, specificity, positive and negative predictive values, and accuracy of PSMA PET/CT were determined. In addition, the correlation between miPSMA-ES and detection rate of prostate cancer was also analyzed. Univariate logistic regression models were established using PSMA PET/CT semi-quantitative analysis parameters to predict the outcome of repeat prostate biopsy. Results: The median age of patients was 65 years (range 53-81), and the median PSA level was 18.0 ng/ml (range 5.48-49.77 ng/ml). Prostate cancer was detected in 15/31 patients (48.4%) and 12/31 patients (38.7%) had clinically significant disease. The sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, negative predictive value, and accuracy of 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT in the diagnosis of clinically significant prostate cancer were 100.0%, 68.4%, 66.7%, 100.0% and 80.6%, respectively. The detection rate of prostate cancer increased with the increase of miPSMA-ES score. The detection rate of clinically significant prostate cancer in miPSMA-ES 0-1, 2 and 3 groups were 0%, 54.5% and 85.7% respectively. Semi-quantitative analysis of 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT images showed that predictive models based on maximum standardized uptake value (SUVmax), tumor-to-background normal prostate SUV (SUVT/BGp) and tumor-to-background normal liver SUV (SUVratio) could effectively predict clinically significant prostate cancer; area under the curves were 0.930, 0.877, and 0.956, respectively. Conclusion: This study preliminarily confirmed that 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT imaging combined with PET-ultrasound fusion image-guided prostate biopsy can effectively detect clinically significant prostate cancer. Prebiopsy 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT has predictive value for clinically significant cancer in the studied patient population. Full Article
un Quantification of PD-L1 expression with [18F]BMS-986192 PET/CT in patients with advanced stage non-small-cell lung cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-02-14T14:01:21-08:00 The aim of this work was to quantify the uptake of [18F]BMS-986192, a PD-L1 adnectin PET tracer, in patients with non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC). To this end, plasma input kinetic modeling of dynamic tumor uptake data with online arterial blood sampling was performed. In addition, the accuracy of simplified uptake metrics such as standardized uptake value (SUV) was investigated. Methods: Data from a study with [18F]BMS-986192 in patients with advanced stage NSCLC eligible for nivolumab treatment were used if a dynamic scan was available and lesions were present in the field of view of the dynamic scan. After injection of [18F]BMS-986192, a 60-minutes dynamic PET-CT scan was started, followed by a 30-min whole body PET-CT scan. Continuous arterial and discrete arterial and venous blood sampling were performed to determine a plasma input function. Tumor time activity curves were fitted by several plasma input kinetic models. Simplified uptake parameters included tumor to blood ratio as well as several SUV measures. Results: Twenty two tumors in nine patients were analyzed. The arterial plasma input single-tissue reversible compartment model with fitted blood volume fraction seems to be the most preferred model as it best fitted 11 out of 18 tumor time activity curves. The distribution volume VT ranged from 0.4 to 4.8 mL·cm-3. Similar values were obtained with an image derived input function. From the simplified measures, SUV normalized for body weight (SUVBW) at 50 and 67 minutes post injection correlated best with VT, with an R2 > 0.9. Conclusion: A single tissue reversible model can be used for the quantification of tumor uptake of the PD-L1 PET tracer [18F]BMS-986192. SUVBW at 60 minutes post injection, normalized for body weight, is an accurate simplified parameter for uptake assessment of baseline studies. In order to assess its predictive value for response evaluation during PD-(L)1 immune checkpoint inhibition further validation of SUV against VT based on an image derived input function is recommended. Full Article
un Initial Clinical Results of a Novel Immuno-PET Theranostic Probe in HER2-negative Breast Cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-03-13T14:12:30-07:00 Purpose: This prospective study evaluated the imaging performance of a novel immunological pretargeting positron-emission tomorgraphy (immuno-PET) method in patients with HER2-negative, carcinoembryonic antigen (CEA)-positive, metastatic breast cancer (BC), compared to computed tomography (CT), bone magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), and 18Fluorodeoxyglucose PET (FDG-PET). Patients and Methods: Twenty-three patients underwent whole-body immuno-PET after injection of 150 MBq 68Ga-IMP288, a histamine-succinyl-glycine peptide given following initial targeting of a trivalent anti-CEA, bispecific, anti-peptide antibody. The gold standards were histology and imaging follow-up. Tumor standard uptake values (SUVmax and SUVmean) were measured, and tumor burden analyzed using Total Tumor Volume (TTV) and Total Lesion Activity (TLA). Results: Total lesion sensitivity of immuno-PET and FDG-PET was 94.7% (1116/1178) and 89.6% (1056/1178), respectively. Immuno-PET had a somewhat higher sensitivity than CT and FDG-PET in lymph nodes (92.4% vs 69.7% and 89.4%, respectively) and liver metastases (97.3% vs 92.1% and 94.8%, respectively), whereas sensitivity was lower for lung metastases (48.3% vs 100% and 75.9%, respectively). Immuno-PET showed higher sensitivity than MRI and FDG-PET for bone lesions (95.8% vs 90.7% and 89.3%, respectively). In contrast to FDG-PET, immuno-PET disclosed brain metastases. Despite equivalent tumor SUVmax, SUVmean, and TTV, TLA was significantly higher with immuno-PET compared to FDG PET (P = 0.009). Conclusion: Immuno-PET using anti-CEA/anti-IMP288 bispecific antibody, followed by 68Ga-IMP288, is a potentially sensitive theranostic imaging method for HER2-negative, CEA-positive, metastatic BC patients, and warrants further research. Full Article
un 11C-PABA as a Novel PET Radiotracer for Functional Renal Imaging: Preclinical and First-in-Human Studies By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-03-20T13:59:23-07:00 para-Aminobenzoic acid (PABA) has been previously used as an exogenous marker to verify completion of 24-hour urine sampling. Therefore, we hypothesized that radiolabeled PABA with 11C could allow high-quality dynamic PET of the kidneys while reducing the radiation exposure due to its short biological and physical half-lives. We evaluated if 11C-PABA could visualize renal anatomy and quantify function in healthy rats, rabbits, and first-in-human studies in healthy volunteers. Methods: Healthy rats and rabbits were injected with 11C-PABA intravenously. Subsequently, a dynamic PET was performed, followed by post-mortem tissue biodistribution studies. 11C-PABA PET was directly compared with the current standard, 99mTc-MAG3 in rats. Three healthy human subjects also underwent dynamic PET after intravenous injection of 11C-PABA. Results: In healthy rats and rabbits, dynamic PET demonstrated a rapid accumulation of 11C-PABA in the renal cortex, followed by rapid excretion through the pelvicalyceal system. In humans, 11C-PABA PET was safe and well tolerated. There were no adverse or clinically detectable pharmacologic effects in any subject. The cortex was delineated on PET, and the activity gradually transited to the medulla and then renal pelvis with high spatiotemporal resolution. Conclusion: 11C-PABA demonstrated fast renal excretion with very low background signal in animals and humans. These results suggest that 11C-PABA could be used as a novel radiotracer for functional renal imaging, providing high-quality spatiotemporal images with low radiation exposure. Full Article
un 177Lu-lilotomab satetraxetan has the potential to counteract resistance to rituximab in non-Hodgkins lymphoma By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-03T15:14:37-07:00 Background: Patients with NHL who are treated with rituximab may develop resistant disease, often associated with changes in expression of CD20. The next generation β-particle emitting radioimmunoconjugate 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan (Betalutin®) was shown to up-regulate CD20 expression in different rituximab-sensitive NHL cell lines and to act synergistically with rituximab in a rituximab-sensitive NHL animal model. We hypothesized that 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan may be used to reverse rituximab-resistance in NHL. Methods: The rituximab-resistant Raji2R and the parental Raji cell lines were used. CD20 expression was measured by flow cytometry. ADCC was measured by a bioluminescence reporter assay. The efficacies of combined treatments with 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan (150MBq/kg or 350MBq/kg) and rituximab (4x10mg/kg) were compared with those of single agents or saline in a Raji2R-xenograft model. Cox-regression and the Bliss independence model were used to assess synergism. Results: Rituximab-binding in Raji2R cells was 36±5% of that in the rituximab-sensitive Raji cells. 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan treatment of Raji2R cells increased the binding to 53±3% of the parental cell line. Rituximab ADCC-induction in Raji2R cells was 20±2% of that induced in Raji cells, while treatment with 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan increased the ADCC-induction to 30±3% of the Raji cells, representing a 50% increase (p<0.05). The combination of rituximab with 350MBq/kg 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan synergistically suppressed Raji2R tumor growth in athymic Foxn1nu mice. Conclusion: 177Lu-lilotomab-satetraxetan has the potential to reverse rituximab-resistance; it increases binding and ADCC-activity in-vitro and can synergistically improve anti-tumor efficacy in-vivo. Full Article
un Folate Receptor {beta} Targeted PET Imaging of Macrophages in Autoimmune Myocarditis By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 Rationale: Currently available imaging techniques have limited specificity for the detection of active myocardial inflammation. Aluminum fluoride-18-labeled 1,4,7-triazacyclononane-N,N',N''-triacetic acid conjugated folate (18F-FOL) is a positron emission tomography (PET) tracer targeting folate receptor β (FR-β) that is expressed on activated macrophages at sites of inflammation. We evaluated 18F-FOL PET for the detection of myocardial inflammation in rats with autoimmune myocarditis and studied expression of FR-β in human cardiac sarcoidosis specimens. Methods: Myocarditis was induced by immunizing rats (n = 18) with porcine cardiac myosin in complete Freund’s adjuvant. Control rats (n = 6) were injected with Freund’s adjuvant alone. 18F-FOL was intravenously injected followed by imaging with a small animal PET/computed tomography (CT) scanner and autoradiography. Contrast-enhanced high-resolution CT or 2-deoxy-2-18F-fluoro-D-glucose (18F-FDG) PET images were used for co-registration. Rat tissue sections and myocardial autopsy samples of 6 patients with cardiac sarcoidosis were studied for macrophages and FR-β. Results: The myocardium of 10 out of 18 immunized rats showed focal macrophage-rich inflammatory lesions with FR-β expression occurring mainly in M1-polarized macrophages. PET images showed focal myocardial 18F-FOL uptake co-localizing with inflammatory lesions (SUVmean, 2.1 ± 1.1), whereas uptake in the remote myocardium of immunized rats and controls was low (SUVmean, 0.4 ± 0.2 and 0.4 ± 0.1, respectively; P < 0.01). Ex vivo autoradiography of tissue sections confirmed uptake of 18F-FOL in myocardial inflammatory lesions. Uptake of 18F-FOL to inflamed myocardium was efficiently blocked by a non-labeled FR-β ligand folate glucosamine in vivo. The myocardium of patients with cardiac sarcoidosis showed many FR-β-positive macrophages in inflammatory lesions. Conclusion: In a rat model of autoimmune myocarditis, 18F-FOL shows specific uptake in inflamed myocardium containing macrophages expressing FR-β, which were also present in human cardiac sarcoid lesions. Imaging of FR-β expression is a potential approach for the detection of active myocardial inflammation. Full Article
un PET imaging of phosphodiesterase-4 identifies affected dysplastic bone in McCune-Albright syndrome, a genetic mosaic disorder By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 McCune-Albright syndrome (MAS) is a mosaic disorder arising from gain-of-function mutations in the GNAS gene, which encodes the 3', 5'-cyclic adenosine monophosphate (cAMP) pathway-associated G-protein, Gsα. Clinical manifestations of MAS in a given individual, including fibrous dysplasia, are determined by the timing and location of the GNAS mutation during embryogenesis, the tissues involved, and the role of Gsα in the affected tissues. The Gsα mutation results in dysregulation of the cAMP signaling cascade, leading to upregulation of phosphodiesterase type 4 (PDE4), which catalyzes the hydrolysis of cAMP. Increased cAMP levels have been found in vitro in both animal models of fibrous dysplasia and in cultured cells from individuals with MAS, but not in humans with fibrous dysplasia. Positron emission tomography (PET) imaging of PDE4 with 11C-(R)-rolipram has been used successfully to study the in vivo activity of the cAMP cascade. To date, it remains unknown whether fibrous dysplasia and other symptoms of MAS, including neuropsychiatric impairments, are associated with increased PDE4 activity in humans. Methods: 11C-(R)-rolipram whole-body and brain PET scans were performed in six individuals with MAS (three for brain scans and six for whole-body scans) and nine healthy controls (seven for brain scans and six for whole-body scans). Results: 11C-(R)-rolipram binding correlated with known locations of fibrous dysplasia in the periphery of individuals with MAS; no uptake was observed in the bones of healthy controls. In peripheral organs and the brain, no difference in 11C-(R)-rolipram uptake was noted between participants with MAS and healthy controls. Conclusion: This study is the first to find evidence for increased cAMP activity in areas of fibrous dysplasia in vivo. No differences in brain uptake between MAS participants and controls were detected, which could be due to several reasons, including the limited anatomic resolution of PET. Nevertheless, the results confirm the usefulness of PET scans with 11C-(R)-rolipram to indirectly measure increased cAMP pathway activation in human disease. Full Article