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Artificial Intelligence Prediction and Counterterrorism

9 August 2019

The use of AI in counterterrorism is not inherently wrong, and this paper suggests some necessary conditions for legitimate use of AI as part of a predictive approach to counterterrorism on the part of liberal democratic states.

Kathleen McKendrick

British Army Officer, Former Visiting Research Fellow at Chatham House

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Surveillance cameras manufactured by Hangzhou Hikvision Digital Technology Co. at a testing station near the company’s headquarters in Hangzhou, China. Photo: Getty Images

Summary

  • The use of predictive artificial intelligence (AI) in countering terrorism is often assumed to have a deleterious effect on human rights, generating spectres of ‘pre-crime’ punishment and surveillance states. However, the well-regulated use of new capabilities may enhance states’ abilities to protect citizens’ right to life, while at the same time improving adherence to principles intended to protect other human rights, such as transparency, proportionality and freedom from unfair discrimination. The same regulatory framework could also contribute to safeguarding against broader misuse of related technologies.
  • Most states focus on preventing terrorist attacks, rather than reacting to them. As such, prediction is already central to effective counterterrorism. AI allows higher volumes of data to be analysed, and may perceive patterns in those data that would, for reasons of both volume and dimensionality, otherwise be beyond the capacity of human interpretation. The impact of this is that traditional methods of investigation that work outwards from known suspects may be supplemented by methods that analyse the activity of a broad section of an entire population to identify previously unknown threats.
  • Developments in AI have amplified the ability to conduct surveillance without being constrained by resources. Facial recognition technology, for instance, may enable the complete automation of surveillance using CCTV in public places in the near future.
  • The current way predictive AI capabilities are used presents a number of interrelated problems from both a human rights and a practical perspective. Where limitations and regulations do exist, they may have the effect of curtailing the utility of approaches that apply AI, while not necessarily safeguarding human rights to an adequate extent.
  • The infringement of privacy associated with the automated analysis of certain types of public data is not wrong in principle, but the analysis must be conducted within a robust legal and policy framework that places sensible limitations on interventions based on its results.
  • In future, broader access to less intrusive aspects of public data, direct regulation of how those data are used – including oversight of activities by private-sector actors – and the imposition of technical as well as regulatory safeguards may improve both operational performance and compliance with human rights legislation. It is important that any such measures proceed in a manner that is sensitive to the impact on other rights such as freedom of expression, and freedom of association and assembly.




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Examining Measures to Mitigate Cyber Vulnerabilities of Space-based Strategic Assets

Invitation Only Research Event

30 October 2019 - 9:30am to 4:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Beyza Unal, Senior Research Fellow, International Security Department, Chatham House
Patricia Lewis, Research Director, International Security Department, Chatham House

Strategic systems that depend on space-based assets, such as command, control and communication, early warning systems, weapons systems and weapons platforms, are essential for conducting successful NATO operations and missions. Given the increasing dependency on such systems, the alliance and key member states would therefore benefit from an in-depth analysis of possible mitigation and resilience measures.

This workshop is part of the International Security Department’s (ISD) project on space security and the vulnerability of strategic assets to cyberattacks, which includes a recently published report. This project aims to create resilience in NATO and key NATO member states, building the capacity of key policymakers and stakeholders to respond with effective policies and procedures. This workshop will focus on measures to mitigate the cyber vulnerabilities of NATO’s space-dependent strategic assets. Moreover, participants will discuss the type of resilience measures and mechanisms required.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

Calum Inverarity

Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department
+44 (0) 207 957 5751




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AI-driven Personalization in Digital Media: Political and Societal Implications

2 December 2019

The fallout from disinformation and online manipulation strategies have alerted Western democracies to the novel, nuanced vulnerabilities of our information society. This paper outlines the implications of the adoption of AI by the the legacy media, as well as by the new media, focusing on personalization.

Sophia Ignatidou

Academy Associate, International Security Programme

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The Reuters and other news apps seen on an iPhone, 29 January 2019. Photo: Getty Images.

Summary

  • Machine learning (ML)-driven personalization is fast expanding from social media to the wider information space, encompassing legacy media, multinational conglomerates and digital-native publishers: however, this is happening within a regulatory and oversight vacuum that needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency.
  • Mass-scale adoption of personalization in communication has serious implications for human rights, societal resilience and political security. Data protection, privacy and wrongful discrimination, as well as freedom of opinion and of expression, are some of the areas impacted by this technological transformation.
  • Artificial intelligence (AI) and its ML subset are novel technologies that demand novel ways of approaching oversight, monitoring and analysis. Policymakers, regulators, media professionals and engineers need to be able to conceptualize issues in an interdisciplinary way that is appropriate for sociotechnical systems.
  • Funding needs to be allocated to research into human–computer interaction in information environments, data infrastructure, technology market trends, and the broader impact of ML systems within the communication sector.
  • Although global, high-level ethical frameworks for AI are welcome, they are no substitute for domain- and context-specific codes of ethics. Legacy media and digital-native publishers need to overhaul their editorial codes to make them fit for purpose in a digital ecosystem transformed by ML. Journalistic principles need to be reformulated and refined in the current informational context in order to efficiently inform the ML models built for personalized communication.
  • Codes of ethics will not by themselves be enough, so current regulatory and legislative frameworks as they relate to media need to be reassessed. Media regulators need to develop their in-house capacity for thorough research and monitoring into ML systems, and – when appropriate –proportionate sanctions for actors found to be employing such systems towards malign ends. Collaboration with data protection authorities, competition authorities and national electoral commissions is paramount for preserving the integrity of elections and of a political discourse grounded on democratic principles.
  • Upskilling senior managers and editorial teams is fundamental if media professionals are to be able to engage meaningfully and effectively with data scientists and AI engineers.




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Building LGBTIQ+ Inclusivity in the Armed Forces, 20 Years After the Ban Was Lifted

16 January 2020

Will Davies

Army Chief of General Staff Research Fellow, International Security Programme
Change was slow to come but progress has since been swift. Not only can a continuing focus on inclusivity benefit service people and the organization, it is also an essential element of a values-based foreign policy.

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Crew members from HMS Westminster march through Admiralty Arch as they exercise their freedom of the city in August 2019 in London. Photo: Getty Images.

The new UK government will conduct a review of foreign, security and defence policy in 2020. If the UK decides to use values as a framework for foreign policy this needs to be reflected in its armed forces. One area where this is essential is continuing to deepen inclusivity for LGBTIQ+ personnel, building on the progress made since the ban on their service was lifted in 2000.

I witnessed the ban first-hand as a young officer in the British Army in 1998. As the duty officer I visited soldiers being held in the regimental detention cells to check all was well. One day a corporal, who I knew, was there awaiting discharge from the army having been convicted of being gay. On the one hand, here was service law in action, which was officially protecting the army’s operational effectiveness and an authority not to be questioned at my level. On the other, here was an excellent soldier in a state of turmoil and public humiliation. How extreme this seems now.

On 12 January 2000 Tony Blair’s Labour government announced an immediate lifting of the ban for lesbian, gay and bisexual personnel (LGB) and introduced a new code of conduct for personal relationships. (LGB is the term used by the armed forces to describe those personnel who had been banned prior to 2000.) This followed a landmark ruling in a case taken to the European Court of Human Rights in 1999 by four LGB ex-service personnel – supported by Stonewall – who had been dismissed from service for their sexuality.

Up to that point the Ministry of Defence's long-held position had been that LGB personnel had a negative impact on the morale and cohesion of a unit and damaged operational effectiveness. Service personnel were automatically dismissed if it was discovered they were LGB, even though homosexuality had been decriminalized in the UK by 1967.

Proof that the armed forces had been lagging behind the rest of society was confirmed by the positive response to the change among service personnel, despite a handful of vocal political and military leaders who foresaw negative impacts. The noteworthy service of LGBTIQ+ people in Iraq and Afghanistan only served to debunk any residual myths.

Twenty years on, considerable progress has been made and my memories from 1998 now seem alien. This is a story to celebrate – however in the quest for greater inclusivity there is always room for improvement.

Defence Minister Johnny Mercer last week apologized following recent calls from campaign group Liberty for a fuller apology. In December 2019, the Ministry of Defence announced it was putting in place a scheme to return medals stripped from veterans upon their discharge.

The armed forces today have a range of inclusivity measures to improve workplace culture including assessments of workplace climate and diversity networks supported by champions drawn from senior leadership.

But assessing the actual lived experience for LGBTIQ+ people is challenging due to its subjectivity. This has not been helped by low participation in the 2015 initiative to encourage people to declare confidentially their sexual orientation, designed to facilitate more focused and relevant policies. As of 1 October 2019, only 20.3 per cent of regular service people had declared a sexual orientation.

A measure of positive progress is the annual Stonewall Workplace Equality Index, the definitive benchmarking tool for employers to measure their progress on LGBTIQ+ inclusion in the workplace; 2015 marked the first year in which all three services were placed in the top 100 employers in the UK and in 2019 the Royal Navy, British Army and Royal Air Force were placed 15th=, 51st= and 68th respectively.

Nevertheless, LGBTIQ+ service people and those in other protected groups still face challenges. The 2019 Ministry of Defence review of inappropriate behaviour in the armed forces, the Wigston Report, concluded there is an unacceptable level of sexual harassment, bullying and discrimination. It found that 26-36% of LGBTIQ+ service people have experienced negative comments or conduct at work because of their sexual orientation.

The Secretary of State for Defence accepted the report’s 36 recommendations on culture, incident reporting, training and a more effective complaints system. Pivotal to successful implementation will be a coherent strategy driven by fully engaged leaders.

Society is also expecting ever higher standards, particularly in public bodies. The armed forces emphasise their values and standards, including ‘respect for others’, as defining organisational characteristics; individuals are expected to live by them. Only in a genuinely inclusive environment can an individual thrive and operate confidently within a team.

The armed forces also recognize as a priority the need to connect to and reflect society more closely in order to attract and retain talent from across all of society. The armed forces’ active participation in UK Pride is helping to break down barriers in this area.

In a post-Brexit world, the UK’s values, support for human rights and reputation for fairness are distinctive strengths that can have an impact on the world stage and offer a framework for future policy. The armed forces must continue to push and promote greater inclusivity in support. When operating overseas with less liberal regimes, this will be sensitive and require careful handling; however it will be an overt manifestation of a broader policy and a way to communicate strong and consistent values over time.

The armed forces were damagingly behind the times 20 years ago. But good progress has been made since. Inclusion initiatives must continue to be pushed to bring benefits to the individual and the organization as well as demonstrate a values-based foreign policy.




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A World Without the NPT Redux

Invitation Only Research Event

10 February 2020 - 3:00pm to 4:30pm

Chatham House

Event participants

Dr Joseph Pilat, Los Alamos National Laboratory and Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
Chair: Dr Patricia Lewis, Research Director, International Security Programme, Chatham House

In the late 1980s, with the 1995 decision on the future of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) looming, Joseph Pilat wrote an essay on "A World without the NPT?" which was published in The International Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime in the 1990s, edited by John Simpson (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1986). In this piece, the speaker attempted to think through the effects of a limited or no agreement on extension to the treaty and regime, to nuclear non-proliferation, arms control and energy and to the broader geopolitical landscape. The purpose was not a prediction, but a cautionary tale of the value of the treaty.

Now, nearly 25 years after indefinite extension and 50 years after the NPT's entry into force, the treaty and the regime are facing serious challenges. In this roundtable meeting, the speaker will revisit the questions he addressed thirty years ago.




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The Smart Peace Initiative: An Integrated and Adaptive Approach to Building Peace

Invitation Only Research Event

12 May 2020 - 10:00am to 11:30am
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Smart Peace brings together global expertise in conflict analysis and research, peacebuilding and mediation programming, and behavioural science and evaluation. Together, Smart Peace partners are developing integrated and adaptive peace initiatives, working with local partners to prevent and resolve complex and intractable conflicts in Central African Republic, Myanmar and northern Nigeria.
 
This roundtable is an opportunity for Smart Peace partners to share the Smart Peace concept, approach and objectives, and experiences of the first phases of programme implementation. Roundtable discussions among participants from policy, practice and research communities will inform future priorities and planning for Smart Peace learning, advocacy and communication.
 
Smart Peace partners include Conciliation Resources, Behavioural Insights Team, The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, Chatham House, ETH Zurich, International Crisis Group and The Asia Foundation.

Nilza Amaral

Project Manager, International Security Programme




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POSTPONED: Working Towards Cyber Resilience in the GCC: Opportunities and Challenges

Invitation Only Research Event

12 March 2020 - 9:00am to 5:00pm

Muscat, Oman

The GCC states have invested significantly in cybersecurity and have made large strides in protecting governments, businesses and individuals from cyber threats, with the aim of delivering on their ambitious national strategies and future visions. However, several challenges to cybersecurity and cyber resilience in the region persist, putting those ambitious plans at risk.

These challenges include the uneven nature of cybersecurity protections, the incomplete implementation of cybersecurity strategies and regulations, and the issues around international cooperation. Such challenges mean that GCC states need to focus on the more difficult task of cyber resilience, in addition to the simpler initial stages of cybersecurity capacity-building, to ensure they harness the true potential of digital technologies and mitigate associated threats.

Set against this background, this workshop will explore opportunities and challenges to cyber resilience in the GCC focusing on four main pillars:

1. Cyber resilience: in concept and in practice
2. Building an effective cybersecurity capacity
3. The potential of regional and international cooperation to cyber resilience
4. Deterrence and disruption: different approaches

This event will be held in collaboration with the Arab Regional Cybersecurity Centre (ARCC) and OMAN CERT.

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. 

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Esther Naylor

Research Assistant, International Security Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3628




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POSTPONED: What Impact of Sovereignty in the Internet?

Research Event

26 March 2020 - 6:00pm to 7:00pm

Chatham House

Event participants

Konstantinos Komaitis, Senior Director, Policy Development & Strategy, Internet Society
Gregory Asmolov, Leverhulme Early Career Fellow Russia Institute, King’s College London
Further speakers to be announced.
Chair: Joyce Hakmeh, Senior Research Fellow, International Security Programme, Chatham House and Co-Editor of the Journal of Cyber Policy.

 

Several governments have been moving towards a stronger sovereignty narrative when it comes to the internet with some trying to impose borders in cyberspace to extend their physical borders in cyberspace. From attempts to create isolatable domestic internets to data localization laws and to increased calls for sovereignty in the digital space, all these approaches are raising concerns regarding the fate of the internet.

While the impact of these approaches varies and the motivations behind them are arguably different too, all governments have been working towards the pursuit of greater technological independence and in some instances greater control.

The panellists will discuss the impact that these approaches have on the internet. They will address the question of whether the era of an 'open web' is drawing to an end and whether these territorialization efforts lead to a fragmentation of the internet, making a 'splinternet' inevitable?

This event is being organized with the kind support of DXC Technology.

This event will be followed by a reception. 

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.

Esther Naylor

Research Assistant, International Security Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3628




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Predictions and Policymaking: Complex Modelling Beyond COVID-19

1 April 2020

Yasmin Afina

Research Assistant, International Security Programme

Calum Inverarity

Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Programme
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the potential of complex systems modelling for policymaking but it is crucial to also understand its limitations.

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A member of the media wearing a protective face mask works in Downing Street where Britain's Prime Minister Boris Johnson is self-isolating in central London, 27 March 2020. Photo by TOLGA AKMEN/AFP via Getty Images.

Complex systems models have played a significant role in informing and shaping the public health measures adopted by governments in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. For instance, modelling carried out by a team at Imperial College London is widely reported to have driven the approach in the UK from a strategy of mitigation to one of suppression.

Complex systems modelling will increasingly feed into policymaking by predicting a range of potential correlations, results and outcomes based on a set of parameters, assumptions, data and pre-defined interactions. It is already instrumental in developing risk mitigation and resilience measures to address and prepare for existential crises such as pandemics, prospects of a nuclear war, as well as climate change.

The human factor

In the end, model-driven approaches must stand up to the test of real-life data. Modelling for policymaking must take into account a number of caveats and limitations. Models are developed to help answer specific questions, and their predictions will depend on the hypotheses and definitions set by the modellers, which are subject to their individual and collective biases and assumptions. For instance, the models developed by Imperial College came with the caveated assumption that a policy of social distancing for people over 70 will have a 75 per cent compliance rate. This assumption is based on the modellers’ own perceptions of demographics and society, and may not reflect all societal factors that could impact this compliance rate in real life, such as gender, age, ethnicity, genetic diversity, economic stability, as well as access to food, supplies and healthcare. This is why modelling benefits from a cognitively diverse team who bring a wide range of knowledge and understanding to the early creation of a model.

The potential of artificial intelligence

Machine learning, or artificial intelligence (AI), has the potential to advance the capacity and accuracy of modelling techniques by identifying new patterns and interactions, and overcoming some of the limitations resulting from human assumptions and bias. Yet, increasing reliance on these techniques raises the issue of explainability. Policymakers need to be fully aware and understand the model, assumptions and input data behind any predictions and must be able to communicate this aspect of modelling in order to uphold democratic accountability and transparency in public decision-making.

In addition, models using machine learning techniques require extensive amounts of data, which must also be of high quality and as free from bias as possible to ensure accuracy and address the issues at stake. Although technology may be used in the process (i.e. automated extraction and processing of information with big data), data is ultimately created, collected, aggregated and analysed by and for human users. Datasets will reflect the individual and collective biases and assumptions of those creating, collecting, processing and analysing this data. Algorithmic bias is inevitable, and it is essential that policy- and decision-makers are fully aware of how reliable the systems are, as well as their potential social implications.

The age of distrust

Increasing use of emerging technologies for data- and evidence-based policymaking is taking place, paradoxically, in an era of growing mistrust towards expertise and experts, as infamously surmised by Michael Gove. Policymakers and subject-matter experts have faced increased public scrutiny of their findings and the resultant policies that they have been used to justify.

This distrust and scepticism within public discourse has only been fuelled by an ever-increasing availability of diffuse sources of information, not all of which are verifiable and robust. This has caused tension between experts, policymakers and public, which has led to conflicts and uncertainty over what data and predictions can be trusted, and to what degree. This dynamic is exacerbated when considering that certain individuals may purposefully misappropriate, or simply misinterpret, data to support their argument or policies. Politicians are presently considered the least trusted professionals by the UK public, highlighting the importance of better and more effective communication between the scientific community, policymakers and the populations affected by policy decisions.

Acknowledging limitations

While measures can and should be built in to improve the transparency and robustness of scientific models in order to counteract these common criticisms, it is important to acknowledge that there are limitations to the steps that can be taken. This is particularly the case when dealing with predictions of future events, which inherently involve degrees of uncertainty that cannot be fully accounted for by human or machine. As a result, if not carefully considered and communicated, the increased use of complex modelling in policymaking holds the potential to undermine and obfuscate the policymaking process, which may contribute towards significant mistakes being made, increased uncertainty, lack of trust in the models and in the political process and further disaffection of citizens.

The potential contribution of complexity modelling to the work of policymakers is undeniable. However, it is imperative to appreciate the inner workings and limitations of these models, such as the biases that underpin their functioning and the uncertainties that they will not be fully capable of accounting for, in spite of their immense power. They must be tested against the data, again and again, as new information becomes available or there is a risk of scientific models becoming embroiled in partisan politicization and potentially weaponized for political purposes. It is therefore important not to consider these models as oracles, but instead as one of many contributions to the process of policymaking.




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Legal Provision for Crisis Preparedness: Foresight not Hindsight

21 April 2020

Dr Patricia Lewis

Research Director, Conflict, Science & Transformation; Director, International Security Programme
COVID-19 is proving to be a grave threat to humanity. But this is not a one-off, there will be future crises, and we can be better prepared to mitigate them.

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Examining a patient while testing for COVID-19 at the Velocity Urgent Care in Woodbridge, Virginia. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images.

A controversial debate during COVID-19 is the state of readiness within governments and health systems for a pandemic, with lines of the debate drawn on the issues of testing provision, personal protective equipment (PPE), and the speed of decision-making.

President Macron in a speech to the nation admitted French medical workers did not have enough PPE and that mistakes had been made: ‘Were we prepared for this crisis? We have to say that no, we weren’t, but we have to admit our errors … and we will learn from this’.

In reality few governments were fully prepared. In years to come, all will ask: ‘how could we have been better prepared, what did we do wrong, and what can we learn?’. But after every crisis, governments ask these same questions.

Most countries have put in place national risk assessments and established processes and systems to monitor and stress-test crisis-preparedness. So why have some countries been seemingly better prepared?

Comparing different approaches

Some have had more time and been able to watch the spread of the disease and learn from those countries that had it first. Others have taken their own routes, and there will be much to learn from comparing these different approaches in the longer run.

Governments in Asia have been strongly influenced by the experience of the SARS epidemic in 2002-3 and - South Korea in particular - the MERS-CoV outbreak in 2015 which was the largest outside the Middle East. Several carried out preparatory work in terms of risk assessment, preparedness measures and resilience planning for a wide range of threats.

Case Study of Preparedness: South Korea

By 2007, South Korea had established the Division of Public Health Crisis Response in Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (KCDC) and, in 2016, the KCDC Center for Public Health Emergency Preparedness and Response had established a round-the-clock Emergency Operations Center with rapid response teams.

KCDC is responsible for the distribution of antiviral stockpiles to 16 cities and provinces that are required by law to hold and manage antiviral stockpiles.

And, at the international level, there are frameworks for preparedness for pandemics. The International Health Regulations (IHR) - adopted at the 2005 World Health Assembly and binding on member states - require countries to report certain disease outbreaks and public health events to the World Health Organization (WHO) and ‘prevent, protect against, control and provide a public health response to the international spread of disease in ways that are commensurate with and restricted to public health risks, and which avoid unnecessary interference with international traffic and trade’.

Under IHR, governments committed to a programme of building core capacities including coordination, surveillance, response and preparedness. The UN Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk highlights disaster preparedness for effective response as one of its main purposes and has already incorporated these measures into the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and other Agenda 2030 initiatives. UN Secretary-General António Guterres has said COVID-19 ‘poses a significant threat to the maintenance of international peace and security’ and that ‘a signal of unity and resolve from the Council would count for a lot at this anxious time’.

Case Study of Preparedness: United States

The National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the Center for Disease Control (CDC) established PERRC – the Preparedness for Emergency Response Research Centers - as a requirement of the 2006 Pandemic and All-Hazards Preparedness Act, which required research to ‘improve federal, state, local, and tribal public health preparedness and response systems’.

The 2006 Act has since been supplanted by the 2019 Pandemic and All-Hazards Preparedness and Advancing Innovation Act. This created the post of Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response (ASPR) in the Department for Health and Human Services (HHS) and authorised the development and acquisitions of medical countermeasures and a quadrennial National Health Security Strategy.

The 2019 Act also set in place a number of measures including the requirement for the US government to re-evaluate several important metrics of the Public Health Emergency Preparedness cooperative agreement and the Hospital Preparedness Program, and a requirement for a report on the states of preparedness and response in US healthcare facilities.

This pandemic looks set to continue to be a grave threat to humanity. But there will also be future pandemics – whether another type of coronavirus or a new influenza virus – and our species will be threatened again, we just don’t know when.

Other disasters too will befall us – we already see the impacts of climate change arriving on our doorsteps characterised by increased numbers and intensity of floods, hurricanes, fires, crop failure and other manifestations of a warming, increasingly turbulent atmosphere and we will continue to suffer major volcanic eruptions, earthquakes and tsunamis. All high impact, unknown probability events.

Preparedness for an unknown future is expensive and requires a great deal of effort for events that may not happen within the preparers’ lifetimes. It is hard to imagine now, but people will forget this crisis, and revert to their imagined projections of the future where crises don’t occur, and progress follows progress. But history shows us otherwise.

Preparations for future crises always fall prey to financial cuts and austerity measures in lean times unless there is a mechanism to prevent that. Cost-benefit analyses will understandably tend to prioritise the urgent over the long-term. So governments should put in place legislation – or strengthen existing legislation – now to ensure their countries are as prepared as possible for whatever crisis is coming.

Such a legal requirement would require governments to report back to parliament every year on the state of their national preparations detailing such measures as:

  • The exact levels of stocks of essential materials (including medical equipment)
  • The ability of hospitals to cope with large influx of patients
  • How many drills, exercises and simulations had been organised – and their findings
  • What was being done to implement lessons learned & improve preparedness

In addition, further actions should be taken:

  • Parliamentary committees such as the UK Joint Committee on the National Security Strategy should scrutinise the government’s readiness for the potential threats outlined in the National Risk register for Civil Emergencies in-depth on an annual basis.
  • Parliamentarians, including ministers, with responsibility for national security and resilience should participate in drills, table-top exercises and simulations to see for themselves the problems inherent with dealing with crises.
  • All governments should have a minister (or equivalent) with the sole responsibility for national crisis preparedness and resilience. The Minister would be empowered to liaise internationally and coordinate local responses such as local resilience groups.
  • There should be ring-fenced budget lines in annual budgets specifically for preparedness and resilience measures, annually reported on and assessed by parliaments as part of the due diligence process.

And at the international level:

  • The UN Security Council should establish a Crisis Preparedness Committee to bolster the ability of United Nations Member States to respond to international crisis such as pandemics, within their borders and across regions. The Committee would function in a similar fashion as the Counter Terrorism Committee that was established following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States.
  • States should present reports on their level of preparedness to the UN Security Council. The Crisis Preparedness Committee could establish a group of experts who would conduct expert assessments of each member state’s risks and preparedness and facilitate technical assistance as required.
  • Regional bodies such as the OSCE, ASEAN and ARF, the AU, the OAS, the PIF etc could also request national reports on crisis preparedness for discussion and cooperation at the regional level.

COVID-19 has been referred to as the 9/11 of crisis preparedness and response. Just as that shocking terrorist attack shifted the world and created a series of measures to address terrorism, we now recognise our security frameworks need far more emphasis on being prepared and being resilient. Whatever has been done in the past, it is clear that was nowhere near enough and that has to change.

Case Study of Preparedness: The UK

The National Risk Register was first published in 2008 as part of the undertakings laid out in the National Security Strategy (the UK also published the Biological Security Strategy in July 2018). Now entitled the National Risk Register for Civil Emergencies it has been updated regularly to analyse the risks of major emergencies that could affect the UK in the next five years and provide resilience advice and guidance.

The latest edition - produced in 2017 when the UK had a Minister for Government Resilience and Efficiency - placed the risk of a pandemic influenza in the ‘highly likely and most severe’ category. It stood out from all the other identified risks, whereas an emerging disease (such as COVID-19) was identified as ‘highly likely but with moderate impact’.

However, much preparatory work for an influenza pandemic is the same as for COVID-19, particularly in prepositioning large stocks of PPE, readiness within large hospitals, and the creation of new hospitals and facilities.

One key issue is that the 2017 NHS Operating Framework for Managing the Response to Pandemic Influenza was dependent on pre-positioned ’just in case’ stockpiles of PPE. But as it became clear the PPE stocks were not adequate for the pandemic, it was reported that recommendations about the stockpile by NERVTAG (the New and Emerging Respiratory Virus Threats Advisory Group which advises the government on the threat posed by new and emerging respiratory viruses) had been subjected to an ‘economic assessment’ and decisions reversed on, for example, eye protection.

The UK chief medical officer Dame Sally Davies, when speaking at the World Health Organization about Operation Cygnus – a 2016 three-day exercise on a flu pandemic in the UK – reportedly said the UK was not ready for a severe flu attack and ‘a lot of things need improving’.

Aware of the significance of the situation, the UK Parliamentary Joint Committee on the National Security Strategy launched an inquiry in 2019 on ‘Biosecurity and human health: preparing for emerging infectious diseases and bioweapons’ which intended to coordinate a cross-government approach to biosecurity threats. But the inquiry had to postpone its oral hearings scheduled for late October 2019 and, because of the general election in December 2019, the committee was obliged to close the inquiry.




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Nuclear Tensions Must Not Be Sidelined During Coronavirus

1 May 2020

Ana Alecsandru

Research Assistant, International Security Programme
Although the pandemic means the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference (RevCon) is postponed, the delay could be an opportunity to better the health of the NPT regime.

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Painted stairs in Tehran, Iran symbolizing hope. Photo by Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images.

Despite face-to-face diplomatic meetings being increasingly rare during the current disruption, COVID-19 will ultimately force a redefinition of national security and defence spending priorities, and this could provide the possibility of an improved political climate at RevCon when it happens in 2021.

With US presidential elections due in November and a gradual engagement growing between the EU and Iran, there could be a new context for more cooperation between states by 2021. Two key areas of focus over the coming months will be the arms control talks between the United States and Russia, and Iran’s compliance with the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran Nuclear Deal.

It is too early to discern the medium- and longer-term consequences of COVID-19 for defence ministries, but a greater focus on societal resilience and reinvigorating economic productivity will likely undercut the rationale for expensive nuclear modernization.

Therefore, extending the current New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) would be the best, most practical option to give both Russia and the United States time to explore more ambitious multilateral arms control measures, while allowing their current focus to remain on the pandemic and economic relief.

Continuing distrust

But with the current treaty — which limits nuclear warheads, missiles, bombers, and launchers — due to expire in February 2021, the continuing distrust between the United States and Russia makes this extension hard to achieve, and a follow-on treaty even less likely.

Prospects for future bilateral negotiations are hindered by President Donald Trump’s vision for a trilateral arms control initiative involving both China and Russia. But China opposes this on the grounds that its nuclear arsenal is far smaller than that of the two others.

While there appears to be agreement that the nuclear arsenals of China, France, and the UK (the NPT nuclear-weapons states) and those of the states outside the treaty (India, Pakistan, North Korea, and Israel) will all have to be taken into account going forward, a practical mechanism for doing so proves elusive.

If Joe Biden wins the US presidency he seems likely to pursue an extension of the New START treaty and could also prevent a withdrawal from the Open Skies treaty, the latest arms control agreement targeted by the Trump administration.

Under a Biden administration, the United States would also probably re-join the JCPOA, provided Tehran returned to strict compliance with the deal. Biden could even use the team that negotiated the Iran deal to advance the goal of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.

For an NPT regime already confronted by a series of longstanding divergences, it is essential that Iran remains a signatory especially as tensions between Iran and the United States have escalated recently — due to the Qassim Suleimani assassination and the recent claim by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps to have successfully placed the country’s first military satellite into orbit.

This announcement raised red flags among experts about whether Iran is developing intercontinental ballistic missiles due to the dual-use nature of space technology. The satellite launch — deeply troubling for Iran’s neighbours and the EU countries — may strengthen the US argument that it is a cover for the development of ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons.

However, as with many other countries, Iran is struggling with a severe coronavirus crisis and will be pouring its scientific expertise and funds into that rather than other efforts — including the nuclear programme.

Those European countries supporting the trading mechanism INSTEX (Instrument in Support of Trade Exchanges) for sending humanitarian goods into Iran could use this crisis to encourage Iran to remain in compliance with the JCPOA and its NPT obligations.

France, Germany and the UK (the E3) have already successfully concluded the first transaction, which was to facilitate the export of medical goods from Europe to Iran. But the recent Iranian escalatory steps will most certainly place a strain on the preservation of this arrangement.

COVID-19 might have delayed Iran’s next breach of the 2015 nuclear agreement but Tehran will inevitably seek to strengthen its hand before any potential negotiations with the United States after the presidential elections.

As frosty US-Iranian relations — exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic — prevent diplomatic negotiations, this constructive engagement between the E3 and Iran might prove instrumental in reviving the JCPOA and ensuring Iran stays committed to both nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament.

While countries focus their efforts on tackling the coronavirus pandemic, it is understandable resources may be limited for other global challenges, such as the increasing risk of nuclear weapons use across several regions.

But the potential ramifications of the COVID-19 crisis for the NPT regime are profound. Ongoing tensions between the nuclear-armed states must not be ignored while the world’s focus is elsewhere, and the nuclear community should continue to work together to progress nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, building bridges of cooperation and trust that can long outlast the pandemic.




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Oman’s New Sultan Needs to Take Bold Economic Steps

16 January 2020

Dr John Sfakianakis

Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme
The country is in a good regional position, but the economy is at a crossroads.

2020-01-16-SultanHaitham2.jpg

Sultan Haitham bin Tariq speaks during a swearing in ceremony as Oman's new leader. Photo: Getty Images.

The transition of power in Oman from the deceased Sultan Qaboos to his cousin and the country’s new ruler, Sultan Haitham bin Tariq, has been smooth and quick, but the new sultan will soon find that he has a task in shoring up the country’s economic position.

Above all, the fiscal and debt profile of the country requires careful management. Fiscal discipline was rare for Oman even during the oil price spike of the 2000s. Although oil prices only collapsed in 2014, Oman has been registering a fiscal deficit since 2010, reaching a 20.6 per cent high in 2016. As long as fiscal deficits remain elevated, so will Oman’s need to finance those deficits, predominately by borrowing in the local and international market.

Oman’s Debt-to-GDP ratio has been rising at a worrying pace, from 4.9 per cent in 2014 to an IMF-estimated 59.8 per cent in 2019. By 2024, the IMF is forecasting the ratio to reach nearly 77 per cent. A study by the World Bank found that if the debt-to-GDP ratio in emerging markets exceeds 64 per cent for an extended period, it slows economic growth by as much as 2 per cent each year.

Investors are willing to lend to Oman, but the sultanate is paying for it in terms of higher spreads due to the underlying risk markets are placing on the rising debt profile of the country. For instance, Oman has a higher sovereign debt rating than Bahrain yet markets perceive it to be of higher risk, making it costlier to borrow. Failure to address the fiscal and debt situation also risks creating pressure on the country’s pegged currency.

If oil revenues remain low, Sultan Haitham will have to craft a daring strategy of diversification and private sector growth. He is well placed for this: Sultan Haitham headed Oman’s Vision 2040, which set out the country’s future development plans and aspirations, the first Gulf country to embark on such an assessment. However, like all vision documents in the Gulf, Oman’s challenge will be implementation.

In the age of climate change, renewable energy is a serious economic opportunity, which Oman has to keep pursuing. If cheap electricity is generated it could also be exported to other Gulf states and to south Asia. In Oman, the share of renewables in total electricity capacity was around 0.5 per cent in 2018; the ambition is to reach 10 per cent by 2025.

However, in order to reach this target, Oman would have to take additional measures such as enhancing its regulatory framework, introducing a transparent and gradual energy market pricing policy and integrating all stakeholders, including the private sector, into a wider national strategy.

Mining could provide another economic opportunity for Oman’s diversification efforts, with help from a more robust mining law passed last year. The country has large deposits of metals and industrial minerals and its mountains could have gold, palladium, zinc, rare earths and manganese.

Oman’s strategic location connecting the Gulf and Indian Ocean with east Africa and the Red Sea could also boost the country’s economy. The Duqm special economic zone, which is among the largest in the world, could become the commercial thread between Oman, south Asia and China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative.’

Oman has taken important steps to make its economy more competitive and conducive to foreign direct investment. Incentives include a five-year renewable tax holiday, subsidized plant facilities and utilities, and custom duties relief on equipment and raw materials for the first 10 years of a firm’s operation in Oman.

A private sector economic model that embraces small- and medium-sized enterprises as well as greater competition and entrepreneurship would help increase opportunities in Oman. Like all other Gulf economies, future employment in Oman will have to be driven be the private sector, as there is little space left to grow the public sector.

Privatization needs to continue. Last year’s successful sale of 49 per cent of the electricity transmission company to China’s State Grid is a very positive step. The electricity distribution company as well as Oman Oil are next in line for some form of partial privatization.

The next decade will require Oman to be even more adept in its competitiveness as the region itself tries to find its new bearings. Take tourism for instance; Oman hopes to double its contribution to GDP from around 3 per cent today to 6 per cent by 2040 and the industry is expected to generate half a million jobs by then. Over the next 20 years, Oman will most likely be facing stiff competition in this area not only by the UAE but by Saudi Arabia as well.

The new sultan has an opportunity to embark on deeper economic reforms that could bring higher growth, employment opportunities and a sustainable future. But he has a big task.




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Mohammed Abdalfatah

Asfari Foundation Academy Fellow

Biography

Mohammed’s research examines the potentials and the role of cities in driving inclusive sustainable development in the Gaza Strip and how cities can bring about innovative genuine solutions to encountered local and national challenges.

Before joining Chatham House and since 2006, Mohammed has been the director of international cooperation at the Municipality of Gaza, where he headed the planning team for the Gaza local development plan 2019-2022.

From 2002-06 he was international relations officer at the Municipality of Gaza and, prior to this, he held positions with UNDP and the Palestinian Ministry of Planning & International Cooperation.

He was a full time visiting research fellow at ICSR non-award research programme in the War Studies Department at King's College London from February-June 2014.

Mohammed holds a post-graduate diploma in Management of Local Development from the International Training Centre, ILO, Turin and earned his BA in Languages from Ain Shams University, Cairo.

Areas of expertise

  • Local development
  • Decentralized cooperation
  • International relations of the Middle East
  • Palestinian affairs with a particular focus on Gaza
  • Public policy and local governance

Past experience

2006-19Director of International Cooperation, Municipality of Gaza, Palestine
2014Visiting Research Fellow, ICSR, Department of War Studies at King's College London
2002-06International Relations Officer, Municipality of Gaza, Palestine
2001-02Programme Management Assistant, UNDP/PAPP, Gaza, Palestine
2000-01Desk Officer in Eastern Europe Dept., Palestinian Ministry of Planning & International Cooperation




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Screening Room: Broken Dinners, Postponed Kisses

Members Event Screening Room

10 March 2020 - 6:00pm to 8:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Nigol Bezjian, Director, Broken Dinners, Postponed Kisses
Chair: Rima Maktabi, Bureau Chief, Al Arabiya (UK)

The Syrian conflict has not only resulted in material losses but also in loss of familiar everyday life for Syrian people. Through their work, many Syrian artists have been trying to come to terms with the conflict and its impact on their memories, sense of self and the place they call home. 

Against this backdrop, Broken Dinners, Postponed Kisses provides an insight into the lived experience of artists affected by violence and upheaval in Syria. The film follows the lives of six Syrian artists as they narrate their journeys of loss, displacement and adaptation. Each story builds on the last providing an exploration of the expressive power of art in conflict. 
 
The screening will be followed by a Q&A discussion with Aleppo-born Syrian Armenian filmmaker, Nigol Bezjian. Led by al-Arabiya’s London Bureau Chief, Rima Maktabi, the discussion will place some of the themes raised by the film into a wider conversation surrounding the intersection of art and politics and the impact of war on the memories, lives and viewpoints of individuals.

COVID-19
This event is proceeding as scheduled, as are other Chatham House events, in accordance with the advice from the UK Government, Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Public Health England. However, we are closely monitoring the spread of COVID-19 and will send updates to attendees as the situation warrants. 
In the meantime, in line with the official advice for returning travellers or visitors to the UK from specified countries and areas (see guidance here), we ask that:

  • If you have travelled from Category 1 countries/areas, you refrain from attending the event even if asymptomatic (i.e. even if you are showing no symptoms);
  • If you have travelled from Category 2 countries/areas, you refrain from attending the event should you develop symptoms.

If you fall under one of these affected categories and have any questions, please call +44 (0)207 314 3638 or email lbedford@chathamhouse.org.

This event will be preceded by a drinks reception, taking place from 17:00.

This event is open to all Chatham House members as well as attendees of the 'The Struggle for the State in Syria' conference taking place the next day.

 

Members Events Team




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POSTPONED: Libya: Political Fragmentation, War and Foreign Intervention

Members Event

24 March 2020 - 6:00pm to 7:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Dr Wolfram Lacher, Senior Associate, German Institute for International and Security Affairs; Author, Libya's Fragmentation: Structure and Process in Violent Conflict
Chair: Maryam Nemazee, Anchor, Al Jazeera

Further speakers to be announced.

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.

 

Libya's third bout of civil war in a decade began when Khalifa Haftar's Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF) launched an offensive on Tripoli in April 2019. Since then, a growing number of foreign states have intervened ever more deeply in the conflict. Warring Libyan armed factions, broadly aligned with either the internationally recognized Government of National Accord or the LAAF, have become increasingly reliant on foreign support to prosecute their war effort.  

Against this backdrop, the panellists will reflect on the forces that have shaped Libya’s trajectory since 2011. As the prospects for international mediation remain bleak, what motivations and grievances are driving the country’s warring parties? How can this war be explained beyond a scramble for the control of Libya’s oil wealth? And are Libyans at risk of being mere pawns in a proxy war?

 

Members Events Team




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POSTPONED: The Development of Libyan Armed Groups since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests

Invitation Only Research Event

18 March 2020 - 9:00am to 10:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Abdul Rahman Alageli, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House
Emaddedin Badi, Non-Resident Scholar, Middle East Institute
Tim Eaton, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme Chatham House
Valerie Stocker, Independent Researcher

Since the overthrow of the regime of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths. While many of these have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. In the west and south of the country,  armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks.

In the east, the Libyan Arab Armed Forces projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will need to address the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities, even while the development of armed groups’ capacities dilutes their accountability to those communities.

This roundtable will discuss the findings of a forthcoming Chatham House research paper, ‘The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests’, which presents insights from over 200 interviews of armed actors and members of local communities and posits how international policymakers might seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy.

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Georgia Cooke

Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7957 5740




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POSTPONED: Russia in MENA: An Update

Invitation Only Research Event

26 March 2020 - 9:30am to 11:00am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Nikolay Kozhanov, Research Associate Professor, Gulf Studies Center, Qatar University; Consulting Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House 
Chair: Sanam Vakil, Senior Research Fellow, Project Director, Future Dynamics of the Gulf, Middle East & North Africa Programme, Chatham House

Russia’s Middle East policy is driven by a complex mixture of traditional factors (such as the ongoing confrontation with the West) and new trends. The Kremlin is keen to maintain its position as an influential external broker. However, it is not confident Russia would be able to respond effectively if forced into a reactive mode by other regional players. The Kremlin therefore seeks to retain initiative and shape the agenda according to its needs and resources. This makes prediction of Moscow’s next moves in the region a challenging, but not impossible, task.

Nikolay Kozhanov will offer remarks on the changes that have taken place in Russia’s strategy since the publication of his research paper Russian Policy Across the Middle East: Motivations and Methods (2018).

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests

17 March 2020

This paper explores armed group–community relations in Libya and the sources of revenue that have allowed armed groups to grow in power and influence. It draws out the implications for policy and identifies options for mitigating conflict dynamics.

Tim Eaton

Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Abdul Rahman Alageli

Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Emadeddin Badi

Policy Leader Fellow, School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute

Mohamed Eljarh

Co-founder and CEO, Libya Outlook

Valerie Stocker

Researcher

Amru_24-2_13.jpg

Fighters of the UN-backed Government of National Accord patrol in Ain Zara suburb in Tripoli, February 2020. Photo: Amru Salahuddien

Summary

  • Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths since the emergence of a national governance split in 2014. Many have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. However, the evolution of the Libyan security sector in this period remains relatively understudied. Prior to 2011, Libya’s internal sovereignty – including the monopoly on force and sole agency in international relations – had been personally vested in the figure of Muammar Gaddafi. After his death, these elements of sovereignty reverted to local communities, which created armed organizations to fill that central gap. National military and intelligence institutions that were intended to protect the Libyan state have remained weak, with their coherence undermined further by the post-2014 governance crisis and ongoing conflict. As a result, the most effective armed groups have remained localized in nature; the exception is the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), which has combined and amalgamated locally legitimate forces under a central command.
  • In the west and south of the country, the result of these trends resembles a kind of inversion of security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR): the armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks; and have continued to arm, mobilize and integrate themselves into the state’s security apparatus without becoming subservient to it. In the eastern region, the LAAF projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. The LAAF has co-opted social organizations to dominate political and economic decision-making.
  • The LAAF has established a monopoly over the control of heavy weapons and the flow of arms in eastern Libya, and has built alliances with armed groups in the east. Armed groups in the south have been persuaded to join the LAAF’s newly established command structure. The LAAF’s offensive on the capital, which started in April 2019, represents a serious challenge to armed groups aligned with the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA). The fallout from the war will be a challenge to the GNA or any future government, as groups taking part in the war will expect to be rewarded. SSR is thus crucial in the short term: if the GNA offers financial and technical expertise and resources, plus legal cover, to armed groups under its leadership, it will increase the incentive for armed groups to be receptive to its plans for reform.
  • Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will necessarily rely on addressing the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities. Yet the development of armed groups’ capacities, along with their increasing access to autonomous means of generating revenue, has steadily diluted their accountability to local communities. This process is likely to be accelerated by the ongoing violence around Tripoli.
  • Communities’ relationship to armed groups varies across different areas of the country, reflecting the social, political, economic and security environment:
  • Despite their clear preference for a more formal, state-controlled security sector, Tripoli’s residents broadly accept the need for    the presence of armed groups to provide security. The known engagement of the capital’s four main armed groups in criminal activity is a trade-off that many residents seem able to tolerate, providing that overt violence remains low. Nonetheless, there is a widespread view that the greed of Tripoli’s armed groups has played a role in stoking the current conflict.
  • In the east, many residents appear to accept (or even welcome) the LAAF’s expansion beyond the security realm, provided that it undertakes these roles effectively. That said, such is the extent of LAAF control that opposition to the alliance comes at a high price.
  • In the south, armed groups draw heavily on social legitimacy, acting as guardians of tribal zones of influence and defenders of their respective communities against outside threats, while also at times stoking local conflicts. Social protections continue to hold sway, meaning that accountability within communities is also limited.
  • To varying extents since 2014, Libya’s armed groups have developed networks that enmesh political and business stakeholders in revenue-generation models:
  • Armed groups in Tripoli have compensated for reduced financial receipts from state budgets by cultivating unofficial and illicit sources of income. They have also focused on infiltrating state institutions to ensure access to state budgets and contracts dispersed in the capital.
  • In the east of the country, the LAAF has developed a long-term strategy to dominate the security, political and economic spheres through the establishment of a quasi-legal basis for receiving funds from Libya’s rival state authorities. It has supplemented this with extensive intervention in the private sector. External patronage supports military operations, but also helps to keep this financial system, based on unsecured debt, afloat.
  • In the south, limited access to funds from the central state has spurred armed groups to become actively involved in the economy. This has translated into the taxation of movement and the imposition of protection fees, particularly on informal (and often illicit) activity.
  • Without real commitment from international policymakers to enforcing the arms embargo and protecting the economy from being weaponized, Libya will be consigned to sustained conflict, further fragmentation and potential economic collapse. Given the likely absence of a political settlement in the short term, international policymakers should seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy by reducing armed groups’ engagement in economic life.
  • In order to reduce illicit activities, international policymakers should develop their capacity to identify and target chokepoints along illicit supply chains, with a focus on restraining activities and actors in closest proximity to violence. Targeted sanctions against rent maximizers (both armed and unarmed) is likely to be the most effective strategy. More effective investigation and restraint of conflict economy actors will require systemic efforts to improve transparency and enhance the institutional capacity of anti-corruption authorities. International policymakers should also support the development of tailored alternative livelihoods that render conflict economy activities less attractive.




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Webinar: Federalism in a Fragmented State: Rethinking Decentralization in Yemen

Research Event

15 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm

Event participants

Osamah Al Rawhani, Deputy Director, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies
Moderator: Nadim Houry, Executive Director, Arab Reform Initiative

Yemen suffered from the excessive control of the central government prior to the current conflict. Federalism has been put forward by many Yemeni political parties since the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) as the supposed magic cure for this significant problem. Today, Yemen is more fragmented than ever, its state central institutions have been scattered and lack leadership and the state has lost most of its sovereignty. The prevailing narrative that decentralization through federalism is Yemen’s inevitable path post-conflict often fails to acknowledge that there are prerequisites for effective local governance, beyond political will.  

In a recent article, Osamah Al Rawhani addressed how the weakness of central state institutions is the key challenge to proceeding with federalism in Yemen and highlighted prerequisites and contextual factors that need to be addressed before reforming the structure of the state. He argued that the viability of decentralization relies on the presence of a functioning, representative central government that is capable of devolving power but also able to keep the state from further fragmentation. 

In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on The Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss recent developments in Yemen, where shifting frontlines and regional divisions are fragmenting the country in new ways. The speaker will explore alternative approaches to pursue the path of federalism that recognize the current realities and the critical need for strong central institutions. He will also survey the internal and external factors that must be considered to rebuild a stable state in Yemen.

You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page.

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3624




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Nuclear Tensions Must Not Be Sidelined During Coronavirus

1 May 2020

Ana Alecsandru

Research Assistant, International Security Programme
Although the pandemic means the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference (RevCon) is postponed, the delay could be an opportunity to better the health of the NPT regime.

2020-05-01-Iran-Peace-Nuclear

Painted stairs in Tehran, Iran symbolizing hope. Photo by Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images.

Despite face-to-face diplomatic meetings being increasingly rare during the current disruption, COVID-19 will ultimately force a redefinition of national security and defence spending priorities, and this could provide the possibility of an improved political climate at RevCon when it happens in 2021.

With US presidential elections due in November and a gradual engagement growing between the EU and Iran, there could be a new context for more cooperation between states by 2021. Two key areas of focus over the coming months will be the arms control talks between the United States and Russia, and Iran’s compliance with the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran Nuclear Deal.

It is too early to discern the medium- and longer-term consequences of COVID-19 for defence ministries, but a greater focus on societal resilience and reinvigorating economic productivity will likely undercut the rationale for expensive nuclear modernization.

Therefore, extending the current New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) would be the best, most practical option to give both Russia and the United States time to explore more ambitious multilateral arms control measures, while allowing their current focus to remain on the pandemic and economic relief.

Continuing distrust

But with the current treaty — which limits nuclear warheads, missiles, bombers, and launchers — due to expire in February 2021, the continuing distrust between the United States and Russia makes this extension hard to achieve, and a follow-on treaty even less likely.

Prospects for future bilateral negotiations are hindered by President Donald Trump’s vision for a trilateral arms control initiative involving both China and Russia. But China opposes this on the grounds that its nuclear arsenal is far smaller than that of the two others.

While there appears to be agreement that the nuclear arsenals of China, France, and the UK (the NPT nuclear-weapons states) and those of the states outside the treaty (India, Pakistan, North Korea, and Israel) will all have to be taken into account going forward, a practical mechanism for doing so proves elusive.

If Joe Biden wins the US presidency he seems likely to pursue an extension of the New START treaty and could also prevent a withdrawal from the Open Skies treaty, the latest arms control agreement targeted by the Trump administration.

Under a Biden administration, the United States would also probably re-join the JCPOA, provided Tehran returned to strict compliance with the deal. Biden could even use the team that negotiated the Iran deal to advance the goal of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.

For an NPT regime already confronted by a series of longstanding divergences, it is essential that Iran remains a signatory especially as tensions between Iran and the United States have escalated recently — due to the Qassim Suleimani assassination and the recent claim by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps to have successfully placed the country’s first military satellite into orbit.

This announcement raised red flags among experts about whether Iran is developing intercontinental ballistic missiles due to the dual-use nature of space technology. The satellite launch — deeply troubling for Iran’s neighbours and the EU countries — may strengthen the US argument that it is a cover for the development of ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons.

However, as with many other countries, Iran is struggling with a severe coronavirus crisis and will be pouring its scientific expertise and funds into that rather than other efforts — including the nuclear programme.

Those European countries supporting the trading mechanism INSTEX (Instrument in Support of Trade Exchanges) for sending humanitarian goods into Iran could use this crisis to encourage Iran to remain in compliance with the JCPOA and its NPT obligations.

France, Germany and the UK (the E3) have already successfully concluded the first transaction, which was to facilitate the export of medical goods from Europe to Iran. But the recent Iranian escalatory steps will most certainly place a strain on the preservation of this arrangement.

COVID-19 might have delayed Iran’s next breach of the 2015 nuclear agreement but Tehran will inevitably seek to strengthen its hand before any potential negotiations with the United States after the presidential elections.

As frosty US-Iranian relations — exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic — prevent diplomatic negotiations, this constructive engagement between the E3 and Iran might prove instrumental in reviving the JCPOA and ensuring Iran stays committed to both nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament.

While countries focus their efforts on tackling the coronavirus pandemic, it is understandable resources may be limited for other global challenges, such as the increasing risk of nuclear weapons use across several regions.

But the potential ramifications of the COVID-19 crisis for the NPT regime are profound. Ongoing tensions between the nuclear-armed states must not be ignored while the world’s focus is elsewhere, and the nuclear community should continue to work together to progress nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, building bridges of cooperation and trust that can long outlast the pandemic.




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Mohamed El Dahshan

Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Biography

Mohamed El Dahshan is an associate fellow with the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa Programme, where he focuses on economic development, regional cooperation, and fragile states.

He is also managing director of OXCON, a public sector consulting firm, advising governments and international organisations on Africa and the Middle East. Prior to this, he was senior cooperation advisor at the African Development Bank, and senior research fellow at Harvard University.

He is an award-winning writer and columnist, and the co-author of Diaries of the Revolution (2012), a memoir of the Egyptian revolution, as well as several book chapters, academic papers, and more than 100 media articles for outlets such as Foreign Policy the New York Times, and the Guardian, among others.

He was honoured as an Archbishop Desmond Tutu fellow, a fellow of the United Nations Alliance of Civilisations, and is listed among the 100 Africa Future Economic Leaders by the Institut Choiseul.

Mohamed holds Master degrees from Oxford, Harvard and Sciences-Po Paris.

Areas of expertise

  • Economic development
  • Egypt
  • SMEs and private sector development
  • Fragile states

Past experience

2017 - presentManaging director, OXCON Frontier Markets & Fragile States Consulting
2014-15Regional economist / Senior cooperation officer, African Development Bank
2012-13Middle East manager, Senior research fellow, Center for International Development, Harvard University




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Insulin-Like Growth Factor Dysregulation Both Preceding and Following Type 1 Diabetes Diagnosis

Insulin-like growth factors (IGFs), specifically IGF1 and IGF2, promote glucose metabolism, with their availability regulated by IGF-binding proteins (IGFBPs). We hypothesized that IGF1 and IGF2 levels, or their bioavailability, are reduced during type 1 diabetes development. Total serum IGF1, IGF2, and IGFBP1–7 levels were measured in an age-matched, cross-sectional cohort at varying stages of progression to type 1 diabetes. IGF1 and IGF2 levels were significantly lower in autoantibody (AAb)+ compared with AAb relatives of subjects with type 1 diabetes. Most high-affinity IGFBPs were unchanged in individuals with pre–type 1 diabetes, suggesting that total IGF levels may reflect bioactivity. We also measured serum IGFs from a cohort of fasted subjects with type 1 diabetes. IGF1 levels significantly decreased with disease duration, in parallel with declining β-cell function. Additionally, plasma IGF levels were assessed in an AAb+ cohort monthly for a year. IGF1 and IGF2 showed longitudinal stability in single AAb+ subjects, but IGF1 levels decreased over time in subjects with multiple AAb and those who progressed to type 1 diabetes, particularly postdiagnosis. In sum, IGFs are dysregulated both before and after the clinical diagnosis of type 1 diabetes and may serve as novel biomarkers to improve disease prediction.




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Evidence Against an Important Role of Plasma Insulin and Glucagon Concentrations in the Increase in EGP Caused by SGLT2 Inhibitors

Sodium–glucose cotransport 2 inhibitors (SGLT2i) lower plasma glucose but stimulate endogenous glucose production (EGP). The current study examined the effect of dapagliflozin on EGP while clamping plasma glucose, insulin, and glucagon concentrations at their fasting level. Thirty-eight patients with type 2 diabetes received an 8-h measurement of EGP ([3-3H]-glucose) on three occasions. After a 3-h tracer equilibration, subjects received 1) dapagliflozin 10 mg (n = 26) or placebo (n = 12); 2) repeat EGP measurement with the plasma glucose concentration clamped at the fasting level; and 3) repeat EGP measurement with inhibition of insulin and glucagon secretion with somatostatin infusion and replacement of basal plasma insulin and glucagon concentrations. In study 1, the change in EGP (baseline to last hour of EGP measurement) in subjects receiving dapagliflozin was 22% greater (+0.66 ± 0.11 mg/kg/min, P < 0.05) than in subjects receiving placebo, and it was associated with a significant increase in plasma glucagon and a decrease in the plasma insulin concentration compared with placebo. Under glucose clamp conditions (study 2), the change in plasma insulin and glucagon concentrations was comparable in subjects receiving dapagliflozin and placebo, yet the difference in EGP between dapagliflozin and placebo persisted (+0.71 ± 0.13 mg/kg/min, P < 0.01). Under pancreatic clamp conditions (study 3), dapagliflozin produced an initial large decrease in EGP (8% below placebo), followed by a progressive increase in EGP that was 10.6% greater than placebo during the last hour. Collectively, these results indicate that 1) the changes in plasma insulin and glucagon concentration after SGLT2i administration are secondary to the decrease in plasma glucose concentration, and 2) the dapagliflozin-induced increase in EGP cannot be explained by the increase in plasma glucagon or decrease in plasma insulin or glucose concentrations.




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PARP-1-targeted Auger emitters display high-LET cytotoxic properties in vitro but show limited therapeutic utility in solid tumor models of human neuroblastoma

The currently available therapeutic radiopharmaceutical for high-risk neuroblastoma, 131I-MIBG, is ineffective at targeting micrometastases due to the low linear energy transfer (LET) properties of high-energy beta particles. In contrast, Auger radiation has high-LET properties with nanometer ranges in tissue, efficiently causing DNA damage when emitted in close proximity to DNA. The aim of this study was to evaluate the cytotoxicity of targeted Auger therapy in pre-clinical models of high-risk neuroblastoma. Methods: Using a radiolabeled poly(ADP-ribose) polymerase (PARP) inhibitor, 125I-KX1, we delivered an Auger emitter iodine-125 to PARP-1: a chromatin-binding enzyme overexpressed in neuroblastoma. In vitro cytotoxicity of 125I-KX1 was assessed in nineteen neuroblastoma cell lines, followed by in-depth pharmacological analysis in a sensitive and resistant pair of cell lines. Immunofluorescence microscopy was used to characterize 125I-KX1-induced DNA damage. Finally, in vitro/in vivo microdosimetry was modeled from experimentally derived pharmacological variables. Results: 125I-KX1 was highly cytotoxic in vitro across a panel of neuroblastoma cell lines, directly causing double strand DNA breaks. Based on subcellular dosimetry, 125I-KX1 was approximately twice as effective compared to 131I-KX1, whereas cytoplasmic 125I-MIBG demonstrated low biological effectiveness. Despite the ability to deliver focused radiation dose to the cell nuclei, 125I-KX1 remained less effective than its alpha-emitting analog 211At-MM4, and required significantly higher activity for equivalent in vivo efficacy based on tumor microdosimetry. Conclusion: Chromatin-targeted Auger therapy is lethal to high-risk neuroblastoma cells with potential use in micrometastatic disease. This study provides the first evidence for cellular lethality from a PARP-1 targeted Auger emitter, calling for further investigation into targeted Auger therapy.




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3-year freedom from progression following 68GaPSMA PET CT triaged management in men with biochemical recurrence post radical prostatectomy. Results of a prospective multi-center trial.

Background: 68Ga PSMA PET CT (PSMA) is increasingly used in men with biochemical recurrence (BCR) post radical prostatectomy (RP), but its longer term prognostic / predictive potential in these men is unknown. The aim of this study was to evaluate the predictive value of PSMA PET for 3 year freedom from progression (FFP) in men with BCR post RP undergoing salvage radiotherapy (sRT). Methods: This prospective multi-center study enrolled 260 men between 2015 and 2017. Eligible patients were referred for PSMA with rising PSA following RP. Management following PSMA was recorded but not mandated. PSMA protocols were standardised across sites and reported prospectively. Clinical, pathological and surgical information, sRT, timing and duration of androgen deprivation (ADT), 3 year PSA results and clinical events were documented. FFP was defined as a PSA rise ≤ 0.2ng/mL above nadir post sRT, with no additional treatment. Results: The median PSA was 0.26ng/mL (IQR 0.15 - 0.59) and follow-up 38 months (IQR 31-43). PSMA was negative in 34.6% (90/260), confined to prostate fossa 21.5% (56/260), pelvic nodes 26.2% (68/260), and distant disease 17.7% (46/260). 71.5% (186/260) received sRT, 38.2% (71/186) to the fossa only, 49.4% (92/186) fossa + pelvic nodes and 12.4% (23/186) nodes alone/SBRT. PSMA was highly predictive of FFP at 3 years following sRT. Overall, FFP was achieved in 64.5% (120/186) of those who received sRT, 81% (81/100) with negative/fossa confined vs. 45% (39/86) for extra fossa disease (p<0.0001). On logistic regression PSMA was more independently predictive of FFP than established clinical predictors, including PSA, T-stage, surgical margin status or Gleason score (P < 0.002). 32% of men with a negative PSMA PET did not receive treatment. Of these, 66% (19/29) progressed, with a mean rise in PSA of 1.59ng/mL over the 3 years. Conclusion: PSMA PET result is highly predictive of FFP at 3 years in men undergoing sRT for BCR following RP. In particular, men with negative PSMA PET or disease identified as still confined to the prostate fossa demonstrate high FFP, despite receiving less extensive radiotherapy and lower rates of additional ADT than those with extra fossa disease.




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Head-to-head comparison of 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 and 68Ga-DOTATATE PET/CT in patients with metastatic, well-differentiated neuroendocrine tumors: a prospective study

Purpose: 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 is an antagonist for somatostatin receptor used in neuroendocrine imaging. The purpose of this study is to compare 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 and 68Ga-DOTATATE PET/CT in patients with metastatic, well-differentiated neuroendocrine tumors. Methods: Patients with histologically-proven, metastatic and/or unresectable, well-differentiated neuroendocrine tumors were prospectively recruited in this study. They received an intravenous injection of 68Ga-DOTATATE (4.0 ± 1.3 mCi) on the first day and 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 (4.0 ± 1.4 mCi) on the second day. Whole-body PET/CT scans were performed at 40 to 60 minutes after injection on the same scanner. Physiologic uptake of normal organs, lesion numbers, and lesion uptake were compared. Results: Twenty-nine patients were prospectively enrolled in the study. The SUVmax of the spleen, renal cortex, adrenal glands, pituitary glands, stomach wall, normal liver parenchyma, small intestine, pancreas, and bone marrow were significantly lower on 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 than on 68Ga-DOTATATE PET/CT (P<0.001). 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 detected significantly more liver lesions (539 vs. 356, P = 0.002), but fewer bone lesions (156 vs. 374, P = 0.031, Figure 3) than 68Ga-DOTATATE. The tumor-to-background ratio of liver lesions was significantly higher on 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 (7.6 ± 5.1 vs. 3.4 ± 2.0, P<0.001). 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 and 68Ga-DOTATATE PET/CT showed comparable results for primary tumors and lymph node metastases based on either patient-based or lesion-based comparison. Conclusion: 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 performs better in the detection ability and TBR of liver metastases. However, 68Ga-DOTATATE outperforms 68Ga-DOTA-JR11 in the detection of bone metastases. The differential affinity of different metastatic sites provides key information for patient selection in imaging and peptide receptor radionuclide therapy.




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Can fluorescence-guided surgery help identify all lesions in unknown locations or is the integrated use of a roadmap created by preoperative imaging mandatory? A blinded study in prostate cancer patients.

Rationale: Lymphatic tracers can help visualize the lymphatic drainage patterns and sentinel nodes of individual prostate cancer patients. To determine the role of nuclear medicine, in particular the positional guidance of a SPECT/CT-based 3D imaging roadmap, in this process we studied to which extend fluorescence-guidance underestimated the number of target lesions. Methods: SPECT/CT imaging was performed after intraprostatic tracer administration of either ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid (hybrid tracer group) or 99mTc-nanocolloid to create a roadmap that depicted all sentinel nodes (SNs). Patients who received 99mTc-nanocolloid were injected with "free" ICG immediately prior to surgery ("free" ICG group). Before unblinding, fluorescence-guidance was used for intraoperative SN identification. This was followed by extended pelvic lymph node dissection (ePLND). Following unblinding of the SPECT/CT images, the number of missed SN’s were recorded and their resection was pursued when the anatomy allowed. Results: Preoperative SPECT/CT revealed no differences in the SN identification rate between ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid and 99mTc-nanocolloid. However, fluorescence-guidance only allowed intraoperative removal of all SNs in 40% of patients in the hybrid tracer group and in 20% of patients in the "free" ICG group. Overall, 75.9% of the intraoperatively resected SNs in the hybrid tracer group and 51.8% of the SNs in the "free" ICG group were removed solely under fluorescence-guidance. During ePLND 22 additional SNs were resected (7 in the hybrid tracer group and 15 in the "free" ICG group). After unblinding 18 remaining SNs were identified (6 in the hybrid group and 12 in the "free" ICG group). In the "free" ICG group, ex vivo evaluation of the excised specimens revealed that 14 SNs removed under ePLND or after unblinding contained radioactivity but no fluorescence. Conclusion: The preoperative imaging roadmap provided by SPECT/CT enhanced the detection of prostate SNs in more ectopic locations in 17 of the 25 patients and the hybrid tracer ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid was shown to outperform "free" ICG. Overall, fluorescence-guided pelvic nodal surgery underestimated the number of SNs in 60-80% of patients.




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Combined Visual and Semi-quantitative Evaluation Improves Outcome Prediction by Early Mid-treatment 18F-fluoro-deoxi-glucose Positron Emission Tomography in Diffuse Large B-cell Lymphoma.

The purpose of this study was to assess the predictive and prognostic value of interim FDG PET (iPET) in evaluating early response to immuno-chemotherapy after two cycles (PET-2) in diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) by applying two different methods of interpretation: the Deauville visual five-point scale (5-PS) and a change in standardised uptake value by semi-quantitative evaluation. Methods: 145 patients with newly diagnosed DLBCL underwent pre-treatment PET (PET-0) and PET-2 assessment. PET-2 was classified according to both the visual 5-PS and percentage SUV changes (SUV). Receiver operating characteristic (ROC) analysis was performed to compare the accuracy of the two methods for predicting progression-free survival (PFS). Survival estimates, based on each method separately and combined, were calculated for iPET-positive (iPET+) and iPET-negative (iPET–) groups and compared. Results: Both with visual and SUV-based evaluations significant differences were found between the PFS of iPET– and iPET+ patient groups (p<0.001). Visually the best negative (NPV) and positive predictive value (PPV) occurred when iPET was defined as positive if Deauville score 4-5 (89% and 59%, respectively). Using the 66% SUV cut-off value, reported previously, NPV and PPV were 80 and 76%, respectively. SUV at 48.9% cut-off point, reported for the first time here, produced 100% specificity along with the highest sensitivity (24%). Visual and semi-quantitative SUV<48.9% assessment of each PET-2 gave the same PET-2 classification (positive or negative) in 70% (102/145) of all patients. This combined classification delivered NPV and PPV of 89% and 100% respectively, and all iPET+ patients failed to achieve or remain in remission. Conclusion: In this large consistently treated and assessed series of DLBCL, iPET had good prognostic value interpreted either visually or semi-quantitatively. We determined that the most effective SUV cut-off was at 48.9%, and that when combined with visual 5-PS assessment, a positive PET-2 was highly predictive of treatment failure.




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SUV25 and {micro}PERCIST: Precision Imaging of Response to Therapy in Co-Clinical FDG-PET Imaging of Triple Negative Breast Cancer (TNBC) Patient-Derived Tumor Xenografts (PDX)

Numerous recent works highlight the limited utility of established tumor cell lines in recapitulating the heterogeneity of tumors in patients. More realistic preclinical cancer models are thought to be provided by transplantable, patient-derived tumor xenografts (PDX). Inter- and intra-tumor heterogeneity of PDX, however, present several challenges in developing optimal quantitative pipelines to assess response to therapy. The objective of this work was to develop and optimize image metrics of FDG-PET to assess response to combination docetaxel/carboplatin therapy in a co-clinical trial involving triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) PDX. We characterize the reproducibility of SUV metrics to assess response to therapy and optimize a preclinical PERCIST (µPERCIST) paradigm to complement clinical standards. Considerations in this effort included variability in tumor growth rate and tumor size; solid tumor vs. tumor heterogeneity and necrotic phenotype; and optimal selection of tumor slice versus whole tumor. A test-retest protocol was implemented to optimize the reproducibility of FDG-PET SUV thresholds, SUVpeak metrics, and µPERCIST parameters. In assessing response to therapy, FDG-PET imaging was performed at baseline and +4 days following therapy. The reproducibility, accuracy, variability, and performance of imaging metrics to assess response to therapy were determined. We defined an index—"Quantitative Response Assessment Score (QRAS)"—to integrate parameters of prediction and precision, and thus aid in selecting optimal image metrics of response to therapy. Our data suggests that a threshold value of 25% (SUV25) of SUVmax was highly reproducible (<9% variability). Concordance and reproducibility of µPERCIST were maximized at α=0.7 and β=2.8 and exhibited high correlation to SUV25 measures of tumor uptake. QRAS scores favor SUV25 followed by SUVP14 as optimal metrics of response to therapy. Additional studies are warranted to fully characterize the utility of SUV25 and µPERCIST SUVP14 as image metrics of response to therapy across a wide range of therapeutic regiments and PDX models.




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Long term follow-up and outcomes of re-treatment in an expanded 50 patient single-center phase II prospective trial of Lutetium-177 (177Lu) PSMA-617 theranostics in metastatic castrate-resistant prostate cancer

Objectives: Lutetium-177 (177Lu)-PSMA-617 (LuPSMA) is a radioligand with high affinity for prostate specific membrane antigen (PSMA) enabling targeted beta-irradiation of prostate cancer. We have previously reported favorable activity with low toxicity in a prospective phase II trial involving 30 men with metastatic castrate-resistant prostate cancer (mCRPC). We now report their longer-term outcomes including a 20 patient extension cohort and outcomes of subsequent systemic treatments following completion of trial therapy. Methods: 50 patients with PSMA-avid mCRPC who had progressed after standard therapies received up to 4 cycles of LuPSMA every 6 weeks. Endpoints included PSA response (PCWG2), toxicity (CTCAE v4.03), imaging response, patient-reported health-related quality of life (QoL), progression-free and overall survival. We also describe, as a novel finding, outcomes of men who subsequently progressed and had further systemic therapies, including LuPSMA. Results: 75 men were screened to identify 50 patients eligible for treatment. Adverse prognostic features of the cohort included short median PSA doubling time (2.3 months) and extensive prior treatment including prior docetaxel (84%), cabazitaxel (48%), and abiraterone and/or enzalutamide (90%). The mean administered radioactivity was 7.5 GBq/cycle. PSA decline ≥ 50% was achieved in 32 of 50 patients (64%, 95% CI 50-77%), including 22 patients (44%, 95% CI 30-59%) with ≥ 80% decrease. Of 27 patients with measurable soft tissue disease, 15 (56%) achieved an objective response by RECIST 1.1. The most common toxicities attributed to LuPSMA were self-limiting G1-2 dry mouth (66%), transient G1-2 nausea (48%), G3-4 thrombocytopenia (10%) and G3 anemia (10%). Brief pain inventory severity and interference scores decreased at all time points including at the 3 month follow-up with a decrease of -1.2 (95% CI -0.5 to -1.9, P = 0.001) and 1.0 (95% CI -0.2 to -0.18, P = 0.013), respectively. At a median follow-up of 31.4 months, median OS was 13.3 months (95% CI 10.5-18.7) with a significantly longer survival of 18.4 months (95% CI 13.8-23.8) in patients achieving a PSA decline ≥ 50%. At progression following prior response, further LuPSMA was administered to 15 (30%) patients (median 2 cycles commencing 359 days from enrolment) with PSA decline ≥ 50% in 11 patients (73%). 4 of 21 patients (19%) receiving other systemic therapies upon progression experienced PSA decline ≥ 50%. There were no unexpected adverse events with LuPSMA re-treatment. Conclusion: This expanded 50 patient cohort of men with extensive prior therapy confirms our earlier report of high response rates, low toxicity and improved QoL with LuPSMA radioligand therapy. Upon progression, re-challenge LuPSMA demonstrated higher response rates than other systemic therapies.




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Pre-treatment 18F-FDG PET/CT Radiomics predict local recurrence in patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy for early-stage non-small cell lung cancer: a multicentric study

Purpose: The aim of this retrospective multicentric study was to develop and evaluate a prognostic FDG PET/CT radiomics signature in early-stage non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy (SBRT). Material and Methods: Patients from 3 different centers (n = 27, 29 and 8) were pooled to constitute the training set, whereas the patients from a fourth center (n = 23) were used as the testing set. The primary endpoint was local control (LC). The primary tumour was semi-automatically delineated in the PET images using the Fuzzy locally adaptive Bayesian algorithm, and manually in the low-dose CT images. A total of 184 IBSI-compliant radiomic features were extracted. Seven clinical and treatment parameters were included. We used ComBat to harmonize radiomic features extracted from the four institutions relying on different PET/CT scanners. In the training set, variables found significant in the univariate analysis were fed into a multivariate regression model and models were built by combining independent prognostic factors. Results: Median follow-up was 21.1 (1.7 – 63.4) and 25.5 (7.7 – 57.8) months in training and testing sets respectively. In univariate analysis, none of the clinical variables, 2 PET and 2 CT features were significantly predictive of LC. The best predictive models in the training set were obtained by combining one feature from PET, namely information correlation 2 (IC2) and one from CT (Flatness), reaching a sensitivity of 100% and a specificity of 96%. Another model combining 2 PET features (IC2 and Strength), reached sensitivity of 100% and specificity of 88%, both with an undefined hazard ratio (HR) (p<0.001). The latter model obtained an accuracy of 0.91 (sensitivity 100%, specificity 81%), with a HR undefined (P = 0.023) in the testing set, however other models relying on CT radiomics features only or the combination of PET and CT features failed to validate in the testing set. Conclusion: We showed that two radiomic features derived from FDG PET were independently associated with LC in patients with NSCLC undergoing SBRT and could be combined in an accurate predictive model. This model could provide local relapse-related information and could be helpful in clinical decision-making.




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Differential expression of glucose transporters and hexokinases in prostate cancer with a neuroendocrine gene signature: a mechanistic perspective for FDG imaging of PSMA-suppressed tumors

Purpose: Although the incidence of de novo neuroendocrine prostate cancer (NEPC) is rare, recent data suggests that low expression of prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) is associated with a spectrum of neuroendocrine (NE) hallmarks and androgen receptor (AR)-suppression in prostate cancer (PC). Previous clinical reports indicate that PCs with a phenotype similar to NE tumors can be more amenable to imaging by 18F-Fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG) rather than PSMA-targeting radioligands. In this study, we evaluated the association between NE gene signature and FDG uptake-associated genes including glucose transporters (GLUTs) and hexokinases, with the goal of providing a genomic signature to explain the reported FDG-avidity of PSMA-suppressed tumors. Methods: Data mining approaches, cell lines and patient-derived xenograft (PDX) models were used to study the levels of 14 members of the SLC2A family (encoding GLUT proteins), 4 members of the hexokinase family (genes: HK1 to 3 and GCK) and PSMA (FOLH1 gene) following AR-inhibition and in correlation with NE hallmarks. Also, we characterize a NE-like PC (NELPC) subset among a cohort of primary and metastatic PC samples with no NE histopathology. We measured glucose uptake in a NE-induced in vitro model and a zebrafish model by non-radioactive imaging of glucose uptake using fluorescent glucose bioprobe, GB2-Cy3. Results: This work demonstrates that a NE gene signature associates with differential expression of genes encoding GLUT and hexokinase proteins. In NELPC, elevated expression of GCK (encoding glucokinase protein) and decreased expression of SLC2A12 correlated with earlier biochemical recurrence. In tumors treated with AR-inhibitors, high expression of GCK and low expression of SLC2A12 correlated with NE histopathology and PSMA gene suppression. GLUT12-suppression and amplification of glucokinase was observed in NE-induced PC cell lines and PDX models. A higher glucose uptake was confirmed in low-PSMA tumors using a GB2-Cy3 probe in a zebrafish model. Conclusion: NE gene signature in NEPC and NELPC associates with a distinct transcriptional profile of GLUTs and HKs. PSMA-suppression correlates with GLUT12-suppression and glucokinase-amplification. Alteration of FDG uptake-associated genes correlated positively with higher glucose uptake in AR and PSMA-suppressed tumors. Zebrafish xenograft tumor models are an accurate and efficient pre-clinical method for monitoring non-radioactive glucose uptake.




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Comparison between 18F-FDG-PET- and CT-based criteria in non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with Nivolumab

Due to their peculiar mechanism of action, the evaluation of radiological response to immune checkpoint inhibitors (ICI) presents many challenges in solid tumors. We aimed to compare the evaluation of first response to Nivolumab by means of CT-based criteria with respect to fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (FDG-PET) response criteria in non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients. Methods: 72 patients with advanced NSCLC were recruited in a mono-institutional ancillary trial within the expanded access program (EAP; NCT02475382) for Nivolumab. Patients underwent CT scan and FDG-PET at baseline and after 4 cycles (first evaluation). In case of progressive disease (PD), an additional evaluation was performed after two further cycles in order to confirm progression. We evaluated the response to treatment with CT scan by means of response evaluation criteria in solid tumors (RECIST) 1.1 and Immuno-related Response Criteria (IrRC) and with FDG-PET by means of PERCIST and immunotherapy-modified-PERCIST (imPERCIST) criteria. The concordance between CT- and PET-based criteria and the capability of each method to predict overall survival (OS) were evaluated. Results: 48/72 patients were evaluable for first response assessment with both PET- and CT-based criteria. We observed low concordance between CT- and PET-based criteria (Kappa value of 0.346 and 0.355 and Kappa value of 0.128 and 0.198 between PERCIST and imPERCIST versus RECIST and irRC respectively). Looking at OS, IrRC were more reliable to distinguish responders from non-responders. However thanks to the prognostic value of partial metabolic response assessed by both PERCIST and Immuno-PERCIST, PET-based response maintained prognostic significant in patients classified as progressive disease on the basis of irRC. Conclusion: Even though the present study did not support the routine use of FDG-PET in the general population of NSCLC patients treated with ICI, it suggests the added prognostic value of the metabolic response assessment, potentially improving the therapeutic decision-making.




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Label-free Visualization of Early Cancer Hepatic Micrometastasis and Intraoperative Image-guided Surgery by Photoacoustic Imaging

Objectives: The detection of cancer micrometastasis for early diagnosis and treatment poses a great challenge for conventional imaging techniques. The aim of study is to evaluate the performance of photoacoustic imaging (PAI) in detecting hepatic micrometastases from melanoma in a very early stage and perform tumor resection by intraoperative photoacoustic image-guidance. Methods: In vivo studies were performed by following protocols approved by the Ethical Committee for Animal Research at Xiamen University. First, a B16 melanoma hepatic metastasis mouse model (n = 10) was established to study the development of micrometastases in vivo. Next, the hepatic metastasis mice models were imaged by scalable PAI instrument, ultrasound, 9.4 T high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT), and bioluminescence imaging. Photoacoustic images acquired with optical wavelengths spanning from 680 to 850 nm were spectrally unmixed by using a linear least-squares method to differentiate various components. Differences in the signal-to-background ratios among different modalities were determined with the two-tailed paired t test. The diagnosis results were assessed with histologic examinations. Excised liver samples from patients diagnosed with hepatic cancer were also examined to identify tumor boundary. In vivo metastatic melanoma removal in surgery was precisely guided by the portable PAI system. Results: PAI achieved as small as ~400 µm hepatic melanoma detection at a depth up to 7 mm in vivo, which could early detect small melanoma compared with ultrasound and MRI in mouse models. The signal ratio of tumor-to-liver acquired with PAI in micrometastases at 8 days (4.2 ± 0.2, n = 6) and 14 days (9.2 ± 0.4, n = 5) were significantly higher than those obtained with PET/CT (1.8 ± 0.1, n = 5 and 4.5 ± 0.2, n = 5, P <0.001 for both). Functional PAI provided dynamic oxygen saturation changes during tumor growth. The limit of detection was measured to be approximately 219 cells per microliter in vitro. We successfully performed intraoperative photoacoustic image-guided surgery in vivo using the rapid portable PAI system. Conclusion: Our findings offer a rapid and effective tool to noninvasively detect micrometastases and guide intraoperative resection as a complementary clinical imaging application.




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Inflammation-based index and 68Ga-DOTATOC PET-derived uptake and volumetric parameters predict outcome in neuroendocrine tumor patients treated with 90Y-DOTATOC

We performed post-hoc analyses on the utility of pre-therapeutic and early interim 68Ga-DOTA-Tyr3-octreotide (68Ga-DOTATOC) positron emission tomography (PET) tumor uptake and volumetric parameters and a recently proposed biomarker, the inflammation-based index (IBI), for peptide receptor radionuclide therapy (PRRT) in neuroendocrine tumor (NET) patients treated with 90Y-DOTATOC in the setting of a prospective phase II trial. Methods: Forty-three NET patients received up to four cycles of 1.85 GBq/m²/cycle 90Y-DOTATOC with a maximal kidney biologic effective dose of 37 Gy. All patients underwent a 68Ga-DOTATOC PET/computed tomography (CT) at baseline and seven weeks after the first PRRT cycle. 68Ga-DOTATOC-avid tumor lesions were semi-automatically delineated using a customized standardized uptake value (SUV) threshold-based approach. PRRT response was assessed on CT using RECIST 1.1. Results: Median progression-free survival (PFS) and overall survival (OS) were 13.9 and 22.3 months, respectively. An SUVmean higher than 13.7 (75th percentile (P75)) was associated with better survival (hazard ratio (HR) 0.45; P = 0.024), whereas a 68Ga-DOTATOC-avid tumor volume higher than 578 ml (P75) was associated with worse OS (HR 2.18; P = 0.037). Elevated baseline IBI was associated with worse OS (HR 3.90; P = 0.001). Multivariate analysis corroborated independent associations between OS and SUVmean (P = 0.016) and IBI (P = 0.015). No significant correlations with PFS were found. A composite score based on SUVmean and IBI allowed to further stratify patients in three categories with significantly different survival. On early interim PET, a decrease in SUVmean of more than 17% (P75) was associated with worse survival (HR 2.29; P = 0.024). Conclusion: Normal baseline IBI and high 68Ga-DOTATOC tumor uptake predict better outcome in NET patients treated with 90Y-DOTATOC. This can be used for treatment personalization. Interim 68Ga-DOTATOC PET does not provide information for treatment personalization.




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Quantitative test-retest measurement of 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC (PSMA-11) in tumor and normal tissue

The PET radiotracer 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC (68Ga-PSMA-11) shows potential as an imaging biomarker for recurrent and metastatic prostate cancer. The purpose of this study was to determine repeatability of 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC in a test-retest trial in subjects with metastatic prostate adenocarcinoma. Methods: Subjects with metastatic prostate cancer underwent two PET/CT scans with 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC within 14 days (mean 6 ± 4 d). Lesions in bone, nodes, prostate/bed, and visceral organs as well as representative normal tissues (salivary glands and spleen) were segmented separately by two readers. Absolute and percent differences in SUVmax and SUVmean were calculated for all test-retest regions. Repeatability was assessed using percentage difference, within-subject coefficient of variation (wCV), repeatability coefficient (RC), and Bland-Altman analysis. Results: 18 subjects were evaluated, 16 of which demonstrated local or metastatic disease on 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC PET/CT. A total of 136 lesions were segmented in bone (n = 99), nodes (n = 27), prostate/bed (n = 7), and viscera (n = 3). The wCV for SUVmax was 11.7% for bone lesions and 13.7% for nodes. The RC was ±32.5% SUVmax for bone lesions and ±37.9% SUVmax for nodal lesions, meaning 95% of the normal variability between two measurements will be within these numbers, so larger differences are likely attributable to true biological changes in tumor rather than normal physiologic or measurement variability. wCV in the salivary glands and spleen was 8.9% and 10.7% SUVmean, respectively. Conclusion: Repeatability measurements for PET/CT test-retest with 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC show a wCV 12-14% SUVmax and RC ±33-38% SUVmax in bone and nodal lesions. These estimates are an important aspect of 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC as a quantitative imaging biomarker. These estimates are similar to those reported for 18F-FDG, suggesting that 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC PET/CT may be useful in monitoring response to therapy.




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18F-Fluorodeoxyglucose Positron Emission Tomography / Computed Tomography in Left-Ventricular Assist Device Infection: Initial Results Supporting the Usefulness of Image-Guided Therapy

Background: Accurate definition of the extent and severity of left-ventricular assist device (LVAD) infection may facilitate therapeutic decision making and targeted surgical intervention. Here, we explore the value of 18F-fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG) positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT) for guidance of patient management. Methods: Fifty-seven LVAD-carrying patients received 85 whole-body 18F-FDG PET/CT scans for the work-up of device infection. Clinical follow-up was obtained over a period of up to two years. Results: PET/CT showed various patterns of infectious involvement of the 4 LVAD components: driveline entry point (77% of cases), subcutaneous driveline path (87%), pump pocket (49%) and outflow tract (58%). Driveline smears revealed staphylococcus or pseudomonas strains as the underlying pathogen in a majority of cases (48 and 34%, respectively). At receiver-operating characteristics analysis, an 18F-FDG standardized uptake value (SUV) >2.5 was most accurate to identify smear-positive driveline infection. Infection of 3 or all 4 LVAD components showed a trend towards lower survival vs infection of 2 or less components (P = 0.089), while involvement of thoracic lymph nodes was significantly associated with adverse outcome (P = 0.001 for nodal SUV above vs below median). Finally, patients that underwent early surgical revision within 3 months after PET/CT (n = 21) required significantly less inpatient hospital care during follow-up when compared to those receiving delayed surgical revision (n = 11; p<0.05). Conclusion: Whole-body 18F-FDG PET/CT identifies the extent of LVAD infection and predicts adverse outcome. Initial experience suggests that early image-guided surgical intervention may facilitate a less complicated subsequent course.




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18F-fluorodexyglucose Position Emission Tomography identifies altered brain metabolism in patients with Cri du Chat syndrome

Cri-Du-Chat Syndrome (CdCs) is a rare genetic disease caused by a deletion in the short arm of chromosome 5 (5p) with a variable clinical spectrum. To date no study in literature has ever investigated the alterations of brain glucose metabolism in these subjects by means of [18F]fluoro-2-deoxy-d-glucose Positron Emission Tomography/Computed Tomography (18F-FDG PET/CT). The aims of this study were to detect difference in brain FDG metabolism in patients affected by CdCs with different clinical presentations and identify possible "brain metabolic phenotypes" of this syndrome. Methods: 6 patients (age: 5 M and 1 F, age range: 10-27) with CdCs were assessed for presence of cognitive and behavioral symptoms with a battery of neuropsychological tests and then classified as patient with a severe or mild phenotype. Then, patients underwent a brain 18F-FDG PET/CT scan. PET/CT findings were compared to a control group, matched for age and sex, by using statistical parametric mapping (SPM). Association of different clinical phenotypes and 18F-FDG PET/CT findings was investigated. Results: Four patients presented a severe phenotype, whereas 2 patients demonstrated mild phenotype. SPM single subject and group analysis compared to the control cohort revealed a significant hypometabolism in the left temporal lobe (BAs 20, 36 and 38), in the right frontal subcallosal gyrus (BA 34) and caudate body, and in the cerebellar tonsils (p<0.001). Hypermetabolism (P = 0.001) was revealed in the right superior and precentral frontal gyrus (BA 6) in patient group compared to the control cohort. In SPM single subject analysis the hypermetabolic areas were detected only in patients with a severe phenotype. Conclusion: This study revealed different patterns of brain glucose metabolism in patients with severe and mild phenotype compared to control subjects. In particular, the hypermetabolic abnormalities in the brain, evaluated by18F-FDG PET/CT, seem to correlate with the severe phenotype in patients with CdCs.




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What You See Is Not What You Get - On the Accuracy of Voxel-Based Dosimetry in Molecular Radiotherapy

Due to improvements in quantitative SPECT/CT, voxel-based dosimetry for radionuclide therapies has aroused growing interest as it promises the visualization of absorbed doses at a voxel level. In this work, SPECT/CT-based voxel-based dosimetry of a 3D printed 2-compartment kidney phantom was performed, and the resulting absorbed dose distributions were examined. Additionally, the potential of the PETPVC partial-volume correction tool was investigated. Methods: Both kidney compartments (70% cortex, 30% medulla) were filled with different activity concentrations and SPECT/CT imaging was performed. The images were reconstructed using varying reconstruction settings (iterations, subsets, and post-filtering). Based on these activity concentration maps, absorbed dose distributions were calculated with pre-calculated 177Lu voxel S values and an empirical kidney half-life. An additional set of absorbed doses was calculated after applying PETPVC for partial-volume correction of the SPECT reconstructions. Results: SPECT/CT imaging blurs the two discrete sub-organ absorbed dose values into a continuous distribution. While this effect is slightly improved by applying more iterations, it is enhanced by additional post-filtering. By applying PETPVC, the absorbed dose values are separated into 2 peaks. Although this leads to a better agreement between SPECT/CT-based and nominal values, considerable discrepancies remain. In contrast to the calculated nominal absorbed doses of 7.8/1.6 Gy (cortex/medulla), SPECT/CT-based voxel-level dosimetry resulted in mean absorbed doses ranging from 3.0-6.6 Gy (cortex) and 2.7-5.1 Gy (medulla). PETPVC led to improved ranges of 6.1-8.9 Gy (cortex) and 2.1-5.4 Gy (medulla). Conclusion: Our study shows that 177Lu quantitative SPECT/CT imaging leads to voxel-based dose distributions largely differing from the real organ distribution. SPECT/CT imaging and reconstruction deficiencies might directly translate into unrealistic absorbed dose distributions, thus questioning the reliability of SPECT-based voxel-level dosimetry. Therefore, SPECT/CT reconstructions should be adapted to ensure an accurate quantification of the underlying activity and, therefore, absorbed dose in a volume-of-interest of the expected object size (e.g. organs, organ sub-structures, lesions or voxels). As an example, PETPVC largely improves the match between SPECT/CT-based and nominal dose distributions. In conclusion, the concept of voxel-based dosimetry should be treated with caution. Specifically, it should be kept in mind that the absorbed dose distribution is mainly a convolved version of the underlying SPECT reconstruction.




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Quantitative 3D assessment of 68Ga-DOTATOC PET/MRI with diffusion-weighted imaging to assess imaging markers for gastroendopancreatic neuroendocrine tumors: Preliminary results

68Ga-DOTATOC-PET/MRI (68Gallium-DOTATOC-positron emission tomography/magnetic resonance imaging) combines the advantages of PET in the acquisition of metabolic-functional information with the high soft tissue contrast of MRI. Standardized uptake values (SUV) in tumors were suggested as a measure of somatostatin receptor expression. A challenge with receptor ligands is, that the distribution volume is confined to tissues with tracer-uptake, potentially limiting SUV quantification. In this study, different functional, three-dimensional (3D) SUV, apparent diffusion coefficient (ADC) parameters and arterial tumor enhancement were tested for the characterization of gastroendopancreatic neuroendocrine tumors (GEP-NET). Methods: For this single-center, cross-sectional study, 22 patients with 24 histologically confirmed GEP-NET lesions (15 men/7 women; median, 61 years, range, 43-81 years), who received hybrid 68Ga-DOTA-PET/MRI examinations at 3T between January 2017 and July 2019 met eligibility criteria. SUVs, tumor-to-background ratios (TBR), the total functional tumor volume (TFTV), ADCmean and ADCmin were measured based on volumes of interest (VOI) and examined with receiver operating characteristic analysis to determine cut-off values for differentiation between low and intermediate grade GEP-NET. Spearman’s rank correlation coefficients were used to assess correlations between functional imaging parameters. Results: The ratio of PET-derived SUVmean and diffusion-weighted imaging (DWI)-derived ADCmin was introduced as a combined variable to predict tumor grade, outperforming single predictors. Based on a threshold ratio of 0.03 to be exceeded, tumors could be classified as grade 2 with a sensitivity of 86% and specificity of 100%. SUV and functional ADC values as well as arterial contrast enhancement parameters showed non-significant and mostly negligible correlations. Conclusion: As receptor density and tumor cellularity appear to be independent, potentially complementary phenomena, the combined PET/MRI ratio SUVmean/ADCmin may be used as a novel biomarker, allowing to differentiate between grade 1 and 2 GEP-NET.




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Head to head prospective comparison of quantitative lung scintigraphy and segment counting in predicting pulmonary function of lung cancer patients undergoing video-assisted thoracoscopic lobectomy

Prediction of post-operative pulmonary function in lung cancer patients before tumor resection is essential for patient selection for surgery and is conventionally done with a non-imaging segment counting method (SC) or a two-dimensional planar lung perfusion scintigraphy (PS). The purpose of this study was to compare quantitative analysis of PS to single photon emission computed tomography/computed tomography (SPECT/CT) and to estimate the accuracy of SC, PS and SPECT/CT in predicting post-operative pulmonary function in patients undergoing lobectomy. Methods: Seventy-five non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients planned for lobectomy were prospectively enrolled (68% males, average age 68.1±8 years ). All patients completed pre-operative forced expiratory volume capacity (FEV1), diffusing capacity of the lung for carbon monoxide (DLCO), Tc99m-MAA lung perfusion scintigraphy with PS and SPECT/CT quantification. A subgroup of 60 patients underwent video-assisted thoracoscopic (VATS) lobectomy and measurement of post-operative FEV1 and DLCO. Relative uptake of the lung lobes estimated by PS and SPECT/CT were compared. Predicted post-operative FEV1 and DLCO were derived from SC, PS and SPECT/CT. Prediction results were compared between the different methods and the true post-operative measurements in patients who underwent lobectomy. Results: Relative uptake measurements differed significantly between PS and SPECT/CT in right lung lobes, with a mean difference of -8.2±3.8, 18.0±5.0 and -11.5±6.1 for right upper, middle and lower lobes respectively (p<0.001). The differences between the methods in the left lung lobes were minor with a mean difference of -0.4±4.4 (p>0.05) and -2.0±4.0 (p<0.001) for left upper and lower lobes respectively. No significant difference and strong correlation (R=0.6-0.76, p<0.001) were found between predicted post-operative lung function values according to SC, PS, SPECT/CT and the actual post-operative FEV1 and DLCO. Conclusion: Although lobar quantification parameters differed significantly between PS and SPECT/CT, no significant differences were found between the predicted post-operative lung function results derived from these methods and the actual post-operative results. The additional time and effort of SPECT/CT quantification may not have an added value in patient selection for surgery. SPECT/CT may be advantageous in patients planned for right lobectomies but further research is warranted.




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177Lu-NM600 targeted radionuclide therapy extends survival in syngeneic murine models of triple-negative breast cancer

Triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) remains the most aggressive subtype of breast cancer leading to the worst prognosis. Because current therapeutic approaches lack efficacy, there is a clinically unmet need for effective treatment alternatives. Herein, we demonstrate a promising strategy utilizing a tumor-targeting alkylphosphocholine (NM600) radiolabeled with 177Lu for targeted radionuclide therapy (TRT) of TNBC. In two murine syngeneic models of TNBC, we confirmed excellent tumor targeting and rapid normal tissue clearance of the PET imaging analog 86Y-NM600. Based on longitudinal PET/CT data acquired with 86Y-NM600, we estimated the dosimetry of therapeutic 177Lu-NM600, which showed larger absorbed doses in the tumor compared to normal tissues. Administration of 177Lu-NM600 resulted in significant tumor growth inhibition and prolonged overall survival in mice bearing syngeneic 4T07 and 4T1 tumors. Complete response was attained in 60% of 4T07 bearing mice, but animals carrying aggressive 4T1 tumor grafts succumbed to metastatic progression. The injected activities used for treatment (9.25 and 18.5 MBq) were well tolerated, and only mild transient cytopenia was noted. Overall, our results suggest that 177Lu-NM600 TRT has potential for treatment of TNBC and merits further exploration in a clinical setting.




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Hyper-progressive Disease in Patients With Non-Small Cell Lung Cancer Treated With Checkpoint Inhibitors: The Role of 18F-FDG PET/CT

Introduction: A new pattern of response, so-called hyper-progressive disease (HPD), is emerging during treatment with immune checkpoint inhibitors (ICI). Our aim was to investigate the prevalence of such phenomenon and to assess its association with clinical variables and metabolic parameters by 18F-fludeoxyglucose positron emission tomography/computed tomography (18F-FDG PET/CT). Methods: Data from 50 patients (34 male, 16 female, median age 73) with non-small cell lung carcinoma (NSCLC) and treated with ICI were prospectively collected. All patients underwent contrast-enhanced CT, 18F-FDG PET/CT, and complete peripheral blood sample at baseline before ICI. HPD was defined according to clinical and radiologic criteria. Because of the rapid disease progression or worsening of clinic conditions, radiologic response assessment was available for 46 patients. OS were analyzed using the Kaplan–Meier method and the log-rank test. A Cox proportional hazards regression analysis was used to evaluate factors independently associated with OS. Median follow-up was 12.4 months (9.7-15.2 months). Results: We identified the following response categories: 10 cases as complete/partial response (CR/PR), 17 cases with stable disease (SD), 5 patients with progressive disease (PD), and 14 with HPD. Among metabolic parameters we observed a statistically significant association between HPD status and tumor burden, expressed by both MTV (756.1ml for HPD vs 475.6ml for non-HPD, P = 0.011) and TLG (287.3 for HPD vs 62.1 for non-HPD, P = 0.042). Among clinical variables, 12/14 patients (85.7%) within the HPD group compared with 8/32 patients (25%) in the non-HDP group had more than two metastatic sites (p<0.001). In addition, the derived neutrophil-to-lymphocyte ratio (dNLR) and platelet counts was significantly associated with HPD status (P = 0.038, P = 0.025, respectively). Survival analysis showed a median OS of 4 months for HPD group compared with 15 months within non-HPD patients (P = 0.003). Likewise, median OS was significantly different when we considered all the response categories: CR/PR, SD, PD, and HPD (P = 0.001). Finally, Multivariate analysis identified MTV and dNLR as independent predictors for OS. Conclusion: Our results suggest that the use of ICI might represent a concern in patients with high metabolic tumor burden and inflammatory indexes at baseline. However Additional studies are needed.




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Targeted optical imaging of the glucagon-like peptide 1 receptor using exendin-4-IRDye800CW

Rationale: The treatment of choice for insulinomas and focal lesions in congenital hyperinsulinism (CHI) is surgery. However, intra-operative detection can be challenging. This could be overcome with intra-operative fluorescence imaging, which provides real-time lesion detection with a high spatial resolution. Here, a novel method for targeted near-infrared (NIR) fluorescence imaging of glucagon-like peptide 1 receptor (GLP-1R) positive lesions, using the GLP-1 agonist exendin-4, labeled with IRDye800CW, was examined in vitro and in vivo. Methods: A competitive binding assay was performed using Chinese hamster lung (CHL) cells transfected with the GLP-1R. Tracer biodistribution was determined in BALB/c nude mice bearing subcutaneous CHL-GLP-1R xenografts. In vivo NIR fluorescence imaging of CHL-GLP-1R xenografts was performed. Localization of the tracer in the pancreatic islets of BALB/c nude mice was examined using fluorescence microscopy. Laparoscopic imaging was performed to detect the fluorescent signal of the tracer in the pancreas of mini pigs. Results: Exendin-4-IRDye800CW binds the GLP-1R with an IC50 value of 3.96 nM. The tracer accumulates in CHL-GLP-1R xenografts. Subcutaneous CHL-GLP-1R xenografts were visualized using in vivo NIR fluorescence imaging. The tracer accumulates specifically in the pancreatic islets of mice and a clear fluorescent signal was detected in the pancreas of mini pigs. Conclusion: These date provide the first in vivo evidence of the feasibility of targeted fluorescence imaging of GLP-1R positive lesions. Intra-operative lesion delineation using exendin-4-IRDye800CW could benefit open as well as laparoscopic surgical procedures for removal of insulinomas and focal lesions in CHI.




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Light-induced radiosynthesis of 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab for imaging the hepatocyte growth factor receptor

Methods that provide rapid access to radiolabeled antibodies are vital in the development of diagnostic and radiotherapeutic agents for positron emission tomography (PET) or radioimmunotherapy. The human hepatocyte growth factor receptor (c-MET) signaling pathway is dysregulated in a number of malignancies including gastric cancer, and is an important biomarker in drug discovery. Here, we used a photoradiochemical approach to produce 89Zr-radiolabeled onartuzumab (a monovalent, anti-human c-MET antibody), starting directly from the fully formulated drug (MetMAb). Methods: Simultaneous 89Zr-radiolabeling and protein conjugation was performed in one-pot reactions containing 89Zr-oxalate, the photoactive chelate DFO-aryl azide (DFO-ArN3) and MetMAb to give 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab. As a control, 89ZrDFO-Bn-NCS-onartuzumab was prepared via a conventional two-step process using pre-purified onartuzumab and DFO-Bn-NCS. Radiotracers were purified by using size-exclusion methods and evaluated by radiochromatography. Radiochemical stability was studied in human serum and immunoreactivity was determined by cellular binding assays using MKN-45 gastric carcinoma cells. PET imaging at multiple time points (0–72 h) was performed in female athymic nude mice bearing subcutaneous MKN-45 xenografts. Biodistribution experiments were performed after the final image. Tumor specificity of 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab was assessed by competitive inhibition (blocking) studies. Results: Initial photoradiosynthesis experiments produced 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab in <15 min. with an isolated decay-corrected radiochemical yield (RCY) of 24.8%, a radiochemical purity (RCP) ~90% and a molar activity (Am) of ~1.5 MBq nmol-1. Reaction optimization improved the radiochemical conversion (RCC) of 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab to 56.9±4.1% (n = 3), with isolated RCYs of 41.2±10.6% (n = 3), and RCPs >90%. Conventional methods produced 89ZrDFO-Bn-NCS-onartuzumab with isolated RCY >97%, RCP >97% and Am ~14.0 MBq nmol-1. Both radiotracers were immunoreactive and stable in human serum. PET imaging and biodistribution studies showed high tumor uptake for both radiotracers. By 72 h, tumor and liver uptake reached 15.37±5.21 %ID g-1, 6.56±4.03 %ID g-1, respectively for 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab (n = 4), and 21.38±11.57 %ID g-1 and 18.84±6.03 %ID g-1 for 89ZrDFO-Bn-NCS-onartuzumab (n = 4). Blocking experiments gave a statistically significant reduction in tumor uptake (6.34±0.47 %ID g-1) of 89ZrDFO-azepin-onartuzumab (n = 4). Conclusion: Experiments demonstrate that photoradiosynthesis is a viable alternative approach for producing 89Zr-radiolabeled antibodies direct in protein formulation buffer which reduces protein aggregation and liver uptake.




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Immune checkpoint imaging in oncology - a game changer towards personalized immunotherapy?

Immune checkpoint blockade represents a promising approach in oncology, showing anti-tumor activities in various cancers. However, although being generally far more well-tolerated than classical cytotoxic chemotherapy, this treatment, too, may be accompanied by considerable side effects and not all patients benefit equally. Therefore, careful patient selection and monitoring of the treatment response is mandatory. At present, checkpoint-specific molecular imaging is increasingly investigated as a tool for patient selection and response evaluation. Here, an overview of the current developments in immune checkpoint imaging is provided.




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Projection-space implementation of deep learning-guided low-dose brain PET imaging improves performance over implementation in image-space

Purpose: To assess the performance of full dose (FD) positron emission tomography (PET) image synthesis in both image and projection space from low-dose (LD) PET images/sinograms without sacrificing diagnostic quality using deep learning techniques. Methods: Clinical brain PET/CT studies of 140 patients were retrospectively employed for LD to FD PET conversion. 5% of the events were randomly selected from the FD list-mode PET data to simulate a realistic LD acquisition. A modified 3D U-Net model was implemented to predict FD sinograms in the projection-space (PSS) and FD images in image-space (PIS) from their corresponding LD sinograms/images, respectively. The quality of the predicted PET images was assessed by two nuclear medicine specialists using a five-point grading scheme. Quantitative analysis using established metrics including the peak signal-to-noise ratio (PSNR), structural similarity index metric (SSIM), region-wise standardized uptake value (SUV) bias, as well as first-, second- and high-order texture radiomic features in 83 brain regions for the test and evaluation dataset was also performed. Results: All PSS images were scored 4 or higher (good to excellent) by the nuclear medicine specialists. PSNR and SSIM values of 0.96 ± 0.03, 0.97 ± 0.02 and 31.70 ± 0.75, 37.30 ± 0.71 were obtained for PIS and PSS, respectively. The average SUV bias calculated over all brain regions was 0.24 ± 0.96% and 1.05 ± 1.44% for PSS and PIS, respectively. The Bland-Altman plots reported the lowest SUV bias (0.02) and variance (95% CI: -0.92, +0.84) for PSS compared with the reference FD images. The relative error of the homogeneity radiomic feature belonging to the Grey Level Co-occurrence Matrix category was -1.07 ± 1.77 and 0.28 ± 1.4 for PIS and PSS, respectively Conclusion: The qualitative assessment and quantitative analysis demonstrated that the FD PET prediction in projection space led to superior performance, resulting in higher image quality and lower SUV bias and variance compared to FD PET prediction in the image domain.




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Will SPECT/CT Cameras soon be able to display Absorbed Doses? Dosimetry from Single Activity Concentration Measurements.




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SUVmax-V for assessing treatment response in FDG-PET Imaging of Patient-Derived Tumor Xenografts involving Triple-Negative Breast Cancer




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Demarcation of Sepsis-Induced Peripheral and Central Acidosis with pH-Low Insertion Cyclic (pHLIC) Peptide

Acidosis is a key driver for many diseases, including cancer, sepsis, and stroke. The spatiotemporal dynamics of dysregulated pH across disease remains elusive and current diagnostic strategies do not provide localization of pH alterations. We sought to explore if PET imaging using hydrophobic cyclic peptides that partition into the cellular membrane at low extracellular pH (denoted as "pHLIC") can permit accurate in vivo visualization of acidosis. Methods: Acid-sensitive cyclic peptide c[E4W5C] pHLIC was conjugated to bifunctional maleimide-NO2A and radiolabeled with copper-64 (t1/2 = 12.7 h). C57BL/6J mice were administered LPS (15 mg/kg) or saline (vehicle) and serially imaged with [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] over 24 h. Ex vivo autoradiography was performed on resected brain slices and subsequently stained with cresyl violet to enable high-resolution spatial analysis of tracer accumulation. A non- pH-sensitive cell-penetrating control peptide (c[R4W5C]) was used to confirm specificity of [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C]. CD11b (macrophage/microglia) and TMEM119 (microglia) immunostaining was performed to correlate extent of neuroinflammation with [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] PET signal. Results: [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] radiochemical yield and purity was >95% and >99% respectively, with molar activity >0.925 MBq/nmol. Significantly increased [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] uptake was observed in LPS-treated mice (vs. vehicle) within peripheral tissues including blood, lungs, liver, and small intestines (P < 0.001-0.05). Additionally, there was significantly increased [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] uptake in the brains of LPS-treated animals. Autoradiography confirmed increased uptake in the cerebellum, cortex, hippocampus, striatum, and hypothalamus of LPS-treated mice (vs. vehicle). Immunohistochemical (IHC) analysis revealed microglial/macrophage infiltrate, suggesting activation in brain regions containing increased tracer uptake. [64Cu]Cu-c[R4W5C] demonstrated significantly reduced uptake in the brain and periphery of LPS mice compared to the acid-mediated [64Cu]Cu-c[E4W5C] tracer. Conclusion: Here, we demonstrate that a pH-sensitive PET tracer specifically detects acidosis in regions associated with sepsis-driven pro-inflammatory responses. This study suggests that [64Cu]Cu-pHLIC is a valuable tool to noninvasively assess acidosis associated with both central and peripheral innate immune activation.